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Date: April 29, 2024 Mon
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Results for poverty
180 results foundAuthor: Zaluar, Alba Title: Violence Related to Illegal Drugs, "Easy Money" and Justice in Brazil: 1980-1995. Summary: The aim of this paper is to understand the connections between poverty and drug traffic, specifying the different economic, social and institutional devices and changes that affect the matter in question. It is based on primary data from several fieldwork researches as well as data obtained from official sources in Brazil - the Ministry of Health, the Police and the Judiciary. Details: Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, MOST Programme, 1999 Source: Discussion Paper Series - No. 35 Year: 1999 Country: Brazil URL: Shelf Number: 117333 Keywords: Drug TraffickingPovertyViolence |
Author: Bjerk, David Title: Thieves, Thugs, and Neighborhood Poverty Summary: This paper develops a model of crime analyzing how such behavior is associated with individual and neighborhood poverty. The model shows that even under relatively minimal assumptions, a connection between individual poverty and both property and violent crimes will arise, and moreover, "neighborhood" effects can develop, but will differ substantially in nature across crime types. A key implication is that greater economic segregation in a city should have no effect or a negative effect on property crime, but a positive effect on violent crime. Details: Bonn, Germany: IZA (Study of Labor), 2009. 44p. Source: Discussion Paper No. 4470; Claremont McKenna College" https://d-nb.info/997468106/34 Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: https://d-nb.info/997468106/34 Shelf Number: 116675 Keywords: Neighborhoods and CrimePovertyPublic HousingSocioeconomic Conditions and Crime |
Author: Mesnard, Alice Title: Migration, Violence and Welfare Programmes in Rural Colombia Summary: This paper studies migration decisions of very poor households in an environment of high level of violence. Details: London: Institute for Fiscal Studies, 2009. 42p. Source: IFS Working Paper W09/19 Year: 2009 Country: Colombia URL: Shelf Number: 117378 Keywords: MigrationPovertyViolenceWelfare |
Author: Fox, Sean Title: The Political Economy of Social Violence: Theory and Evidence from a Cross-Country Study Summary: Why are some countries more prone to social violence than others? Drawing on theoretical and empirical insights from the fields of political economy, sociology and criminology, the authors develop and empirically test a holistic theory of social violence that accounts for political-institutional, socio-economic and socio-demographic factors. The study finds that hybrid political regimes, political-institutional volatility, poverty, inequality and ethnic diversity are associated with higher rates of social violence. Unexpectedly, higher rates of economic growth are also found to be robustly correlated with higher rates of social violence. Details: London: Crisis States Research Center, 2010. 24p. Source: Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2; Working Paper No. 72 Year: 2010 Country: International URL: Shelf Number: 118431 Keywords: Economic DevelopmentInequalityPovertyViolence |
Author: Poveda, Alexander Cotte Title: Poverty, Armed Conflict and Human Rights: An Analysis of the Objective Causes of Violence in Colombia Summary: This work analyses the influence of economic variables, poverty and armed conflict on violence in Colombia. For this purpose, a time series method is used to analyse economic and social data through which different long-term coefficients are estimated in order to determine the effects of these variables on violence in Colombia from 1950 to 2006. Socioeconomic characteristics, poverty and variables associated with armed conflict affect the dynamics of violence, and moreover, there are various political variables that have a notable influence upon the determinants of violence in Colombia. More precisely, variables associated with a lack of state presence in some regions and educational aspects are determinant factors that influence the incidence of violence in the country. Details: Bogota, Colombia: Universidad de la Salle, Investigation Group on Violence, Institutions and Economic Development, 2010. 50p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: Colombia URL: Shelf Number: 118567 Keywords: Drug Trafficking (Colombia)Homicide (Colombia)PovertyViolence (Colombia) |
Author: Diprose, Rachael Title: Safety and Security: A Proposal for Internationally Comparable Indicators of Violence Summary: One of the challenges for academics, policy makers, and practitioners working broadly in programs aimed at poverty alleviation, including violence prevention, is the lack of reliable and comparable data on the incidence and nature of violence. This paper proposes a household survey module for a multi-dimensional poverty questionnaire which can be used to complement the available data on the incidence of violence against property and the person, as well as perceptions of security and safety. Violence and poverty are inextricably linked, although the direction of causality is contested if not circular. The module uses standardized definitions which are clear and can be translated cross-culturally and a clear disaggregation of different types of interpersonal violence (not including self-harm) which bridges the crime-conflict nexus. Details: Oxford, UK: Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity (CRISE), University of Oxford, 2008. 61p. Source: CRISE Working Paper No. 52; Internet Resource Year: 2008 Country: International URL: Shelf Number: 118575 Keywords: Criminal StatisticsInequalityPovertyVictims of CrimeViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Jargowsky, Paul A. Title: Cause or Consequence? Suburbanization and Crime in U.S. Metropolitan Areas Summary: Inner-city crime is a motivating factor for middle-class flight, and therefore crime is a cause of suburbanization. Movement of the middle- and upper-classes to the suburbs, in turn, isolates the poor in central city ghettos and barrios. Sociologists and criminologists have argued that the concentration of poverty creates an environment within which criminal behavior becomes normative, leading impressionable youth to adopt criminal lifestyles. Moreover, from the perspective of routine activity theory, the deterioration of social capital in high-poverty areas reduces the capacity for guardianship. Therefor, suburbanization may also cause crime. This study argues that prior research has not distinguished between the causal and compositional effects of suburbanization on crime. The study shows that the causal component can be identified by linking metropolitan-level crime rates, rather than central-city crime rates, to measures of suburbanization. Using UCR and Census data from 2000, the study finds a positive relationship betwen suburbanization and metropolitan crime. Details: Ann Arbor, MI: National Poverty Center, 2008. 30p. Source: Internet Resource; National Poverty Center Working Paper Series #8-12 Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 119141 Keywords: Metropolitan AreasNeighborhoodsPovertySuburban CrimeSuburbanization |
Author: Youngers, Coletta A. Title: Development First: A More Humane and Promising Approach to Reducing Cultivation of Crops for Illicit Markets Summary: This report lays out a more promising approach to reducing the cultivation of coca and poppy crops used in the production of cocaine and heroin. It is based on improving the welfare of poor farmers via comprehensive development strategies that include improving local governance and citizen security, combined with voluntary reductions in cultivation of crops deviated to the illicit market. Implemented in tandem with effective demand reduction strategies to contain and eventually shrink the global cocaine and heroin markets, the "development first" approach has the potential to gradually achieve sustainable reductions in coca and opium poppy cultivation by reducing poor farmers' reliance on such crops. Details: Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America, 2009. 39p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: International URL: Shelf Number: 119214 Keywords: CocaineDrug ControlDrug MarketsDrugsIllegal DrugsOpiumPoverty |
Author: Andvig, Jens Chr. Title: Crime, Poverty and Police Corruption in Developing Countries Summary: "Crime and the fear of being hit by crime and small-scale violence are key economic and social problems in most developing countries, not least felt strongly by the poor. Extensive corruption in the police, experienced or perceived, contributes seriously to the problem. A key question raised in the paper is: How is police corruption linked to the wider processes of development - including crime, violence and poverty? The paper examines (i) how and why corruption may arise in the daily routines of the police and whether it may have impacts on crime rates; (ii) empirical indications of whether the police may be more corrupt than other groups of public officials; (iii) how and why police corruption may vary across countries; and (iv) the wider impacts of police corruption on development." Details: Bergen, Norway: CHR. Michelsen Institute, 2008. 32p. Source: Internet Resource; CMI Working Paper 2008:7 Year: 2008 Country: International URL: Shelf Number: 119375 Keywords: Corruption (Developing Countries)Police CorruptionPoverty |
Author: Lyons, Susan Title: Money Well Spent: How POsitive Social Investments Will Reduce Incarceration Rates, Improve Public Safety, and Promote the Well-Being of Communities Summary: This report examines the relationship between poverty and involvement in the justice system. Using the District of Columbia as a case study to illustrate national concerns, the report focuses on the nexus of public safety and poverty: while poverty doesn’t cause crime, more low-income people end up in prison or jail. And while spending on education, treatment, and other services that help people improve their well-being have been shown to be a more effective public safety strategy than locking people up, between 2005 and 2009 state spending on corrections grew faster than any other category, including education, Medicaid and public assistance such as TANF. Details: Washington, DC: Justice Policy Institute, 2010. 72p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 16, 2010 at: http://www.justicepolicy.org/images/upload/10-09_REP_MoneyWellSpent_PS-DC-AC-JJ.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.justicepolicy.org/images/upload/10-09_REP_MoneyWellSpent_PS-DC-AC-JJ.pdf Shelf Number: 119824 Keywords: PovertySocioeconomic Status |
Author: Hague, Gill Title: Bride-Price, Poverty and Domestic Violence in Uganda Summary: This report outlines the key findings from the first-ever research study on Bride-Price, Poverty and Domestic Violence in Uganda, conducted as a response both to the growing interest in the practice of bride-price and to moves for its reform in Uganda and other countries in Africa. The research was undertaken between January 2008 and June 2009 through an international collaboration between MIFUMI, an NGO and women's rights agency based in Uganda working on domestic violence and poverty alleviation, and two UK research groups, the Violence Against Women Research Group, University of Bristol, and the Centre for the Study of Safety and Well-being, University of Warwick. The aims and objectives of the research were: To investigate, through an action research approach, the impacts of bride-price on the capabilities of women, children and families in terms of development, quality of life, health, decision-making and community participation; To explore possible inter-relations between bride-price and poverty; To investigate possible inter-relations between bride-price and domestic violence; To develop policy recommendations for Uganda, and to contribute to national, pan-African and global debates on bride price, including with the Ugandan government and through international protocols and the Kampala International Declaration on Bride-price; To develop a local action-oriented dissemination plan, including a collaboratively developed community awareness-raising programme to reach several thousand people; and To contribute to the Millennial Development Goal (MDG) framework, especially MDG3 on gender and empowerment. Details: Bristol, UK: MIFUMI Uganda, Violence Against Women Research Group, University of Bistol; Warwick, UK: Centre for the Study of Safety and Well-being, University of Warwick, 2009. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 22, 2010 at: http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/shss/swell/final_report_-_bride_price_poverty_and_domestic_vi.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Uganda URL: http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/shss/swell/final_report_-_bride_price_poverty_and_domestic_vi.pdf Shelf Number: 119920 Keywords: Domestic ViolencePovertySocioeconomic StatusViolence Against Women |
Author: McGuire, Peter L. Title: Narcotics Trafficking in West Africa: A Governance Challenge Summary: West Africa is one of the most impoverished, underdeveloped, and instability prone regions in the world. Many of the nation-states in the region are empirically weak: they lack the capacity to deliver public goods and services to their citizens, do not claim effective control over their territories, are marked by high levels of official corruption, and are plagued by political instability and violent conflict. Since 2004 the region has faced an unprecedented surge in illicit narcotics (primarily cocaine) trafficking, raising fears within the international community that foreign (largely South American) trafficking groups would engender escalated corruption and violence across the region. This paper examines the effect that the surge in narcotics trafficking has had on governance and security in the region, paying particular attention to the experience of Guinea-Bissau and neighboring Republic of Guinea (Guinea-Conakry), two West African states that have been particularly affected by the illicit trade. The central argument presented is that narcotics trafficking is only one facet of the overall challenge of state weakness and fragility in the region. The profound weakness of many West African states has enabled foreign trafficking groups to develop West Africa into an entrepôt for cocaine destined for the large and profitable European market, sometimes with the active facilitation of high-level state actors. Thus, simply implementing counter-narcotics initiatives in the region will have a limited impact without a long-term commitment to strengthening state capacity, improving political transparency and accountability, and tackling poverty alleviation and underdevelopment. Without addressing the root issues that allowed for the penetration of trafficking groups into the states of the region in the first place, West Africa will remain susceptible to similar situations in the future, undermining the region’s nascent progress in the realms of governance, security, and development. Details: Boston: Boston University, The Frederick S. Pardee Center for the Study of the Longer-Range Future, 2010. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: The Pardee Papers, No. 9: Accessed October 13, 2010 at: http://www.bu.edu/pardee/files/2010/03/Pardee_Paper-9-Narcotics-Trafficking.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Africa URL: http://www.bu.edu/pardee/files/2010/03/Pardee_Paper-9-Narcotics-Trafficking.pdf Shelf Number: 119953 Keywords: CocaineCorruptionDrug TraffickingNarcoticsOrganized CrimePoverty |
Author: Cancian, Maria Title: The Effect of Family Income on Risk of Child Maltreatment Summary: Over six million children were reported to the child welfare system as being at risk of child abuse or neglect in the United States in 2008. Researchers and policymakers have long recognized that children living in families with limited economic resources are at higher risk for maltreatment than children from higher socioeconomic strata, but the causal effect of income on maltreatment risk is unknown. Because many factors, for example, poor parental mental health, are known to increase the probability both of poverty and child maltreatment, teasing out the causal role of income can be challenging. Using newly available data, we exploit a random assignment experiment that led to exogenous differences in family income to measure the effect of income on the risk of maltreatment reported to the child welfare system. We find consistent evidence of a causal effect. Details: Madison, WI: Institute for Research on Poverty, University of Wisconsin - Madison, 2010. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Institute for Research on Poverty Discussion Paper no. 1385-10: Accessed October 21, 2010 at: http://www.irp.wisc.edu/publications/dps/pdfs/dp138510.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.irp.wisc.edu/publications/dps/pdfs/dp138510.pdf Shelf Number: 120046 Keywords: Child AbuseChild MaltreatmentChild WelfarePovertySocio-Economic Status |
Author: Hipp, John R. Title: Spreading the Wealth: The Effect of the Distribution of Income and Race/Ethnicity Across Households and Neighborhoods on City Crime Trajectories Summary: This study focuses on the effect of economic resources and racial/ethnic composition on the change in crime rates over a 30-year period in 352 cities in metropolitan areas that experienced a large growth in population after World War II. The key findings are that whereas inequality increases the amount of crime in cities, the distribution of this inequality across the census tracts of the city has important interaction effects. Thus, in cities with high levels of inequality, higher levels of economic segregation actually lead to much higher levels of the types of crime studied here (aggravated assaults, robberies, burglaries, and motor vehicle thefts). In contrast, in cities with low levels of inequality, it is mixing of households in neighborhoods with varying levels of income that leads to higher levels of crime. Likewise, we found an important interaction between the racial/ethnic composition of the city and how these groups are distributed across the neighborhoods of the city. In cities with high levels of racial/ethnic heterogeneity, higher levels of segregation of these groups leads to particularly high overall levels of crime in these cities. In cities with low levels of racial/ethnic heterogeneity, greater mixing of groups in neighborhoods actually increases the crime rate. These are important, novel findings. Details: Irvine, CA: Department of Criminology, Law and Society, University of California, Irvine, 2010. 63p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 21, 2010 at: http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/232084.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/232084.pdf Shelf Number: 12003 Keywords: Economics and CrimeNeighborhoods and CrimePovertyRace/Ethnicity |
Author: Barenboim, Igor Title: Does Crime Breed Inequality? Theory and Evidence from the Favelas in Rio de Janeiro Summary: Crime and income inequality are positively correlated. Many have argued that the causation from the latter to the former; to our knowledge, the reverse channel of causality has not been studied. We present two simple mechanisms through which crime can breed inequality, both based on the idea that private protection from crime is a normal good. In our first hypothesis, crime distorts savings decisions by lowering expected returns, and more so for the poor who can afford less protection. Our second model explores how crime can generate inequality by diferentially affecting location decisions according to income. We test these ideas empirically in the extremely high-crime context of slums ("favelas") in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, and find suggestive evidence that higher crime leads to more inequality within favelas. We also show evidence of the savings mechanism, with little support for the spatial mechanism in this context. Details: Cambridge, MA: Harvard University (Working Paper), 2009. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 23, 2010 at: http://www.eea-esem.com/files/papers/EEA-ESEM/2009/448/Favelas_draft18Jan09%202.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.eea-esem.com/files/papers/EEA-ESEM/2009/448/Favelas_draft18Jan09%202.pdf Shelf Number: 120056 Keywords: Crime RatesInequalityPovertyPrivate ProtectionSlumsSocioeconomic Status |
Author: Cox, Marcus Title: Security and Justice: Measuring the Development Returns: A Review of Knowledge Summary: This paper reviews the state of knowledge on the role of security and justice (S&J) in the development process. The purpose is to enable DFID and its partners to gain a better understanding of the returns available from investments in this area, in terms of economic growth, poverty reduction and achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). As well as presenting the evidence available from the literature, we are asked to assess the state of knowledge, describing the methodological challenges and how they are being addressed, and proposing areas for further research. The literature proves to be full of theoretical disputes and methodological pitfalls. It is clear that there is a strong association between justice and development, in the sense that prosperous countries generally have more complex legal systems and deliver a higher quality of S&J services to citizens. However, association is not causation, and the causal chains are complex and difficult to disentangle. It may be that it is the economy that drives the development of the legal system. Historical studies of East Asian development suggest this is the direction of causation. Some authors have suggested that there is no general rule on causation but rather, as Messick puts it, a series of ― on and off connections -, with the two variables causally interdependent at some stages of the development process and autonomous at others. For the policy maker, the key question is therefore: to what extent and in what circumstances is the justice system an independent variable, offering a promising entry point for development assistance? The paper looks at theories on the links between S&J and development, and the evidence used to test them, across a number of areas. It begins with the two main branches of research in the field: econometric studies on the impact of law and justice on economic performance; and bottom-up analysis (variously called access to justice or legal empowerment) on how insecurity and injustice affect the lives of poor people. It then considers evidence of linkages across four specific areas identified by DFID in the TORs: property and housing; crime and violence; gender discrimination; and governance. Details: London: Agulhas Development Consultants, 2008. 61p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 15, 2010 at: http://www.agulhas.co.uk/cms_files/14/Agulhas_S&J_Development_Returns_Aug_08.pdf Year: 2008 Country: International URL: http://www.agulhas.co.uk/cms_files/14/Agulhas_S&J_Development_Returns_Aug_08.pdf Shelf Number: 120511 Keywords: Crime and Socioeconomic ConditionsEconomics and DevelopmentPovertySecurity |
Author: Title: Dangerous Little Stones: Diamonds in the Central African Republic Summary: In the diamond mines of the Central African Republic (CAR), extreme poverty and armed conflict put thousands of lives in danger. President Franacois Boziza keeps tight control of the diamond sector to enrich and empower his own ethnic group but does little to alleviate the poverty that drives informal miners to dig in perilous conditions. Stringent export taxes incentivise smuggling that the mining authorities are too few and too corrupt to stop. These factors combined - a parasitic state, poverty and largely unchecked crime - over jealous factions to launch rebellions and enable armed groups to collect new recruits and profit from mining and selling diamonds illegally. To ensure diamonds fuel development not bloodshed, root and branch reform of the sector must become a core priority of the country's peacebuilding strategy. Nature scattered diamonds liberally over the CAR, but since colonial times foreign entrepreneurs and grasping regimes have benefited from the precious stones more than the Central African people. Mining companies have repeatedly tried to extract diamonds on an industrial scale and largely failed because the deposits are alluvial, spread thinly across two large river systems. Instead, an estimated 80,000-100,000 mostly unlicensed miners dig with picks and shovels for daily rations and the chance of striking it lucky. Middlemen, mostly West Africans, buy at meagre prices and sell at a profit to exporting companies. The government lacks both the institutional capacity to govern this dispersed, transient production chain and the will to invest diamond revenues in the long-term growth of mining communities. Chronic state fragility has ingrained in the political elite a winner-takes-all political culture and a preference for short-term gain. The French ransacked their colony of its natural resources, and successive rulers have treated power as licence to loot. Jean-Badel Bokassa, the CAR's one-time "emperor", created a monopoly on diamond exports, and his personal gifts to French President Giscard d'Estaing, intended to seal their friendship, became symbols of imperial excess. Ange-Falix Patassa saw nothing wrong in using his presidency to pursue business interests and openly ran his own diamond mining company. Boziza is more circumspect. His regime maintains tight control of mining revenues by means of a strict legal and fiscal framework and centralised, opaque management. Since Boziza came to power in 2003, industrial diamond mining companies have almost all left, in part because the authorities' high demands erode potential profits. Informal artisanal mining carries on apace, but the government's closure in 2008 of most diamond exporting companies - a ruse to better control the market - severely cut investment in the production chain, cost many miners their jobs and helped cause a spike in infant malnutrition. Expensive licences and corrupt mining police make it harder for miners to escape the poverty trap. A 12 per cent tax on diamond exports, the highest in the region, makes smuggling worthwhile and fosters illicit trading networks that deprive the state of much needed revenue. The government's refusal to distribute national wealth fairly has led jealous individuals and disenfranchised groups to take up arms for a bigger slice of the cake. The Union of Democratic Forces for Unity (Union des forces damocratiques pour le rassemblement, UFDR), more ethnic militia than rebel group, has signed a peace agreement but still mines diamonds in the north east and sells them on the black market. Poor miners joined its ranks to improve their lot, and though taking power is no longer a prospect, diamond profits are a strong incentive not to disarm. Meanwhile, the Convention of Patriots for Justice and Peace (Convention des patriotes pour la justice et la paix, CPJP), the most active rebellion, preys on miners and traders in the east. This insecurity, largely banditry under a rebel flag, severely restricts economic activity, inhibits the holding there of elections set for 23 January 2011 and puts civilian lives at great risk. Reform of the diamond sector is a crucial element, alongside wider governance and conflict resolution measures, for improving the living conditions of miners and their families, boosting the state's scant domestic revenues and helping break the cycle of armed conflict. The government needs first to improve governance of the mining sector, which is a question more of political will than capacity. Only when Boziza has shown commitment to instituting more democratic control of mining revenues and enhancing transparency in management processes should international partners support mining authorities in the capital and mining zones. The reform strategy should prioritise artisanal above industrial mining, which has less direct impact on mining communities, aim to reduce incentives for smuggling and tighten controls to stop armed groups profiting from diamonds. Details: Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2010. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Africa Report No. 167: Accessed December 20, 2010 at: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/africa/central-africa/central-african-republic/167%20Dangerous%20Little%20Stones%20-%20Diamonds%20in%20the%20Central%20African%20Republic.ashx Year: 2010 Country: Central African Republic URL: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/africa/central-africa/central-african-republic/167%20Dangerous%20Little%20Stones%20-%20Diamonds%20in%20the%20Central%20African%20Republic.ashx Shelf Number: 120551 Keywords: CorruptionDiamond Smuggling (Africa)MiningPovertyViolence |
Author: Bernard van Leer Foundation Title: Young Children in Cities: Challenges and Opportunities Summary: This edition of Early Childhood Matters looks at young children’s experiences of growing up in urban settings. A quarter of the world’s children live in poor urban settlements - a fact which presents opportunities to deliver accessible services cost-effectively, but also poses many challenges. The challenges explored in these articles include violence in Venezuela and Mexico, fear of "stranger danger" in Australia, domestic violence and space to play in Rotterdam, involving communities in Peru and Brazil, social structures of the European Roma, and emergency response in Nairobi. The articles feed into an understanding of one of the Bernard van Leer Foundation's programming goals, to improve young children's physical environments - in this case, the various root characteristics of urban environments that impact the physical and mental development of young children throughout their lives. Details: The Hague: Bernard van Leer Foundation, 2010. 68p. Source: Internet Resource: Early Childhood Matters, No. 115: Accessed March 17, 2011 at: Year: 2010 Country: International URL: Shelf Number: 121057 Keywords: PovertyUrban AreasYouth and Violence |
Author: American Civil Liberties Union Title: In for a Penny: The Rise of America's New Debtors' Prisons Summary: This ACLU report presents the results of a yearlong investigation into modern-day "debtors' prisons," and shows that poor defendants are being jailed at increasingly alarming rates for failing to pay legal debts they can never hope to afford. The report details how across the country, in the face of mounting budget deficits, states are more aggressively going after poor people who have already served their criminal sentences. These modern-day debtors' prisons impose devastating human costs, waste taxpayer money and resources, undermine our criminal justice system, are racially skewed, and create a two-tiered system of justice. Incarcerating people simply because they cannot afford to pay their legal debts not only is unconstitutional but it has a devastating impact upon men and women, whose only crime is that they are poor. The sad truth is that debtors' prisons are flourishing today, more than two decades after the Supreme Court prohibited imprisoning those who are too poor to pay their legal debts. This report seeks to document the realities of today's debtors' prisons and to provide state and local governments and courts with a more sensible path – one where they no longer will be compelled to fund their criminal justice systems on the backs of the poor, and one where the promise of equal protection under the law for the poor and affluent alike will finally be realized. Details: New York: American Civil Liberties Union, 2010. 92p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 18, 2011 at: http://www.aclu.org/files/assets/InForAPenny_web.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.aclu.org/files/assets/InForAPenny_web.pdf Shelf Number: 121385 Keywords: Debtors' PrisonsIndigent DefendantsLegal AidPoverty |
Author: Rhode Island Family Life Center Title: Court Debt and Related Incarceration in Rhode Island Summary: Every year, thousands of individuals sit in the Rhode Island jail not for crimes, but because they owe money to the state. Court debt is the most common reason that people are put in jail in Rhode Island--about 2,500 times a year. This incarceration is unnecessary and overly hasty, is an inefficient use of state finances, and disrupts peoples' lives. Rhode Island's system of court debt is considerably more punitive, more costly to defendants, and less accomodating to indigent individuals than other New England states. OpenDoors encourages policymakers to end the incarceration of the poor for inability to pay court fines. Details: Providence, RI: Rhode Island Family Life Center, 2008. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 18, 2011 at: http://opendoorsri.org/sites/default/files/CourtDebt.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://opendoorsri.org/sites/default/files/CourtDebt.pdf Shelf Number: 121387 Keywords: Court DebtCourt Fines (Rhode Island)IndigentsPoverty |
Author: Cardenas, Mauricio Title: Does Crime Lower Growth? Evidence from Colombia Summary: Many analysts consider that lack of security is a major obstacle to growth in Colombia. This paper identifies a structural downturn in economic growth — of nearly two percentage points per year — as a result of the increase in illicit crops and crime rates after 1980. A decline in total factor productivity has been the key channel linking crime and economic growth. Political upheavals and high levels of inequality and poverty motivated the adoption of a new constitution in 1991. The constitution mandated additional fiscal expenditures to curb social tensions. Major progress has been made in terms of public safety and, to a lesser extent, in the provision of health and education. However, long‐run growth will continue to be constrained by inadequate transport infrastructure and low international trade volumes. Details: Washington, DC: World Bank, 2008. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper No. 30: Accessed April 28, 2011 at: http://www.growthcommission.org/storage/cgdev/documents/gcwp030web.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Colombia URL: http://www.growthcommission.org/storage/cgdev/documents/gcwp030web.pdf Shelf Number: 121559 Keywords: Economics and Crime (Colombia)Illicit CropsPoverty |
Author: Mannava, Priya Title: Dependent on Development: The Interrelationships Between Illicit Drugs and Socioeconomic Development Summary: In spite of the complex interrelationships between illicit drug production, trade and use and socioeconomic development (SED), drug control and development policies tend to occur in isolation of each other, as exemplified by the lack of inclusion of illicit drugs in the Millennium Development Goals. A failure to acknowledge the interconnections between these two areas hinders the effectiveness of both drug and development policies and also undermines a human rights based approach to both illicit drug policy and development policies and programs. 1.1 Aims of the report This report highlights the multifaceted relationships between illicit drug production, trade and use, and SED, and then demonstrates the ways in which the implementation of illicit drug control policies often hinders development sector gains; and furthermore, the ways in which many development sector policies actually increase vulnerability to illicit drug production, trade and use. By raising awareness on the links between drugs, drug policy, and SED, this paper aims to facilitate future research as well as initiate dialogue and collaboration between development and drug control agencies. 1.2 Approach & Terminology The report is based on the hypothesis that ‘Equitable SED is necessary for successful control of illicit drugs, while effective and human rights based illicit drug control is required to foster sustainable SED’. To test this hypothesis, we begin by examining the impact of SED on illicit drug production, trade, and consumption, and then conversely the affect of the three processes on SED. In so doing, we consider ‘illicit drug production/trade/consumption’ and ‘SED’ as independent variables, and expect that outcomes will hold true for diverse settings at various times and for different drugs. We also note that we are exploring associations rather than causality, expecting that there will be limited, and largely anecdotal, evidence available – at least these early formative research stages. Here, we define ‘socioeconomic development’ as the processes of social and economic development in a society, whereby the ‘socio-’ in socioeconomic development consists of “social change designed to promote the well-being of a population as a whole” (Midgley 2005) while the ‘economic’ refers to “qualitative change and restructuring in a country’s economy in connection with technological and social progress” (World Bank definition). ‘Control’ is referred to here as the processes undertaken in order to minimize the harms associated with the availability and use of drugs in a community at a given point of time. In line with the United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime, ‘illicit drugs’ are defined as drugs produced, traded, and consumed for purposes prohibited by law, as outlined by the international drug control conventions. 1.3 Methods We conducted a review of formal and non-formal English language literature published between 1990 and 2010 on the relationships between illicit drug production, trade, and consumption, illicit drug policies, SED, and human rights. 2. Sizing the problem: illicit drugs – an overview 2.1 The need to control Policies and programs that aim to control or eradicate illicit drugs have been justified by the real and potential harms associated with illicit drugs: health problems, crime, decreased productivity, unemployment, and poverty. An international drug control system, based on three international conventions, specifies the types of illicit drugs and how these should be regulated. Despite control efforts, supply and demand of illicit drugs continue to be widespread. 2.2 The extent of illicit drug use, production, and trading. Noting the difficulties in measuring indicators related to illicit drugs, it is estimated that around 3.5% to 5.7% of the world’s populations aged between 15 to 64 years (155 to 250 million) consumes illicit drugs. Consumption continues to be higher in the wealthier regions of North America, Western Europe, and Oceania, though sharp rises in use are being witnessed in East and West Africa, the Middle East, and South America. Production of opium, which increased by 80% between 1998 and 2009, is highest in Afghanistan, which accounted for 60% of the world’s supply during the same period. Supply of cocaine, largely produced in Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru, was reported to have increased during the period of 2004 to 2007 as compared to earlier years, though the increase was not as dramatic as that of opium. Production of cannabis, the most widely produced illicit drug globally, and amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS) is prevalent in countries world-over. The illicit drug trade is also widespread, though data on seizures suggest the problem is more acute in those surrounding nations where illicit drug production or consumption is high. 2.3 Understanding demand and supply Demand and supply of illicit drugs are influenced by many interrelated and complex factors. Various intrapersonal, micro-environmental, and macro-environmental elements create vulnerabilities to the use of illicit drugs, while the employment opportunities and profits arising from illicit drug production and trading act as incentives to supply. There are thus broader socioeconomic issues which impact on engagement with illicit drug economies. 3. The interrelationships between socioeconomic development and illicit drugs 3.1 Impact of socioeconomic development on illicit drugs Both poor SED and enhanced SED can fuel illicit drug production, trade and consumption. Rural underdevelopment, conflict and economic crises are all factors that contribute to farming of illicit drug crops. Characteristics of plant-based illicit drugs mean that these crops are often a more viable option than licit ones in settings of poor SED. In countries ranging from Afghanistan to Colombia, to Morocco and Myanmar, evidence suggests that regions cultivating illicit drug crops are geographically and/or socially isolated, underdeveloped with few economic opportunities, and may also be plagued by violent conflict. Conflict, and the resultant instability, not only helps to facilitate and proliferate illicit drug economies, but in turn, often sustains the conflict – creating a mutually reinforcing cycle. In countries such as Afghanistan, Colombia, and Myanmar, rebel and pro-government forces have used illicit drug economies to finance their activities. Conditions which contribute to weak SED such as unemployment, poverty, and marginalization may also create vulnerable environments for illicit drug use in both wealthy and less developed countries. For example, in the United States and United Kingdom, illicit drug use has been linked to socially and economically deprived urban settings. Similarly, studies in various countries of South America found that drug users were generally poorer, unemployed, and less educated. On the flip side, processes such as trade liberalization may in fact facilitate the flow of illicit drugs across borders. Though the type of association that exists between free trade and illicit drugs is yet to be understood, a modeling study suggests that in consuming countries, efforts to control trading may be hindered by free-trade policies. Modernization and the resultant change in values or norms that often accompanies SED may also lead to increased consumption of illicit drugs. In Indonesia and Pakistan, for instance, illicit drug use increased with newfound wealth and youth identifying themselves with images of Western popular culture. Within the socially marginalized Akha tribe in Laos, consumption of heroin and ATS increased following participation in the country’s market economy and in parallel with the country’s opium eradication program. 3.2. Impact of illicit drugs on socioeconomic development Simultaneously, illicit drug production, trade and consumption also affect SED. In the short-term, farmers and other members of impoverished communities benefit from illicit drug production and trade due to increased disposable income. At the national level, there may be a boost in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), reduced unemployment, and multiplier effects in other sectors, either due to increased expenditure in local markets or increased demand for production inputs of illicit drugs. For instance, a study dating back to the early 1990s found that a 10% increase in cocaine production in Bolivia resulted in a 2% increase in GDP and 6% decrease in unemployment. In Colombia, multiplier effects arising from the illicit drug economy helped to fuel growth in the property market. However, most of these short-term benefits are offset by the myriad of long-term adverse affects triggered by illicit drug economies. Firstly, the sheer volumes of money flowing from illicit drug economies help to encourage corruption. In several settings, there are reports of government and law enforcement officials turning a blind eye to illicit drugs in exchange for bribes. Secondly, social structures are disrupted as carers, such as single mothers or the income earner of the family, engage in risky trading of illicit drugs. As members of communities who participate in drug economies become richer, tensions in traditional power dynamics are created, thereby disrupting social harmony. Macroeconomic instability may also occur as a result of decreased investment in licit sectors, strengthening of the real exchange rate, and weakened effectiveness of monetary and fiscal policies. The evidence to support these findings, however, is more limited. Violence and conflict between drug gangs, as well as between gangs and members of law enforcement, causes substantial mortality and morbidity while also isolating communities. In Mexico for example, drug-related killings have reached 28,000 over the past four years. In the United States, homicide rates have fluctuated in tandem with crack cocaine markets in cities where consumption is high and market sizes are substantial. There are considerable health costs associated with illicit drug use; for example, injecting drug use accounts for 10% of all HIV infections worldwide, and 30% outside sub-Saharan Africa. Drug users are also likely to be less productive; a study by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 5 different countries found that occupational injuries were 2-4 times higher and absenteeism 2-3 times greater amongst drug users as compared to non-drug users. The relationships between illicit drug economies and SED are thus two-way and simultaneous. Causality is more difficult to determine given that illicit drug economies and factors that contribute to SED can interact in a mutually reinforcing cycle. Corruption, violence and conflict can for example facilitate illicit drug production, trade and consumption, which in turn can sustain corruption, violence and conflict. 4. Paradox on paradox: effects of illicit drug control policy on socioeconomic development International and national illicit drug control policies have traditionally focused on reducing demand and supply of illicit drugs. Policies that focus on minimizing the harms associated with drug use are increasingly being adopted by many nation states. Supply side policies comprise traditional law enforcement approaches, including attempts to eradicate illicit drug cultivation and production; this latter approach sometimes accompanied by ‘alternative development’ programs that focus on providing other economic opportunities to communities that farm illicit drugs. To date, evidence suggests that these policies have been largely ineffective in deterring cultivation of illicit drug crops, as supply of various drugs has either been maintained or increased. In response to eradication programs in Colombia and Mexico, for instance, farmers simply shifted to farming opium on smaller and more dispersed fields. These policies have largely been unsuccessful in part because of the weak acknowledgement of the fact that illicit drugs and associated harms are often a result of a broader range of political, cultural and socioeconomic factors. By adopting approaches that are guided by narrowly defined goals and are not based on the political, social or cultural realties of a particular development context, law enforcement and eradication attempts actually cause further, multiple, harms and thereby weaken SED in communities. Examples from coca-producing Andean countries, as well as from Afghanistan and Myanmar where opium poppy cultivation is widespread, show how law enforcement and eradication programs actually wipe out the livelihoods of poor farmers social and economically disadvantaged communities. With few viable economic opportunities available, these households often resort again to farming of illicit drugs, simply from survival necessity. Successful alternative development programs are rare, although in Thailand a long-term (highly subsidized) approach has met with some success. Interdiction – programs aimed at reducing or stopping trading – has contributed to a diversification of smuggling routes, often to countries where law enforcement is weak. For example, the low-income country of Guinea Bissau has become a new trading corridor for drugs being smuggled to Europe. Ironically, a systematic review that found a positive correlation existed between increased law enforcement and increases in violence and crime. This is explained in part by the fact that law enforcement activities can create a riskier environment in which illicit drug trading and dealing occurs, making the situation more volatile and prone to drug gang power dynamics when members or leaders are arrested. There is even less evidence available on the impacts of demand side policies, which include primary prevention of drug use (mass media campaigns, community based programs, and education), treatment (secondary prevention), and law enforcement. While studies on the effectiveness of treatment for drug users have found that it helps reduce crime and risky injecting behavior, stringent law enforcement practices directed against drug users have only served to increase risky behavior, shift patterns in drug use, and deter health seeking. Studies examining the impact of law enforcement on drug use in Vancouver and Sydney found that drug use did not decrease, but riskier forms of use did. Following a ‘war on drugs’ campaign in Thailand, drug users reported increased reluctance to seek healthcare. Thus, social and economic costs to society are only sustained or even intensified, and are therefore likely to negatively impact SED. Harm reduction (policies and programs aimed at reducing harms associated with drug use) encompasses many components in immediate impact, harm reduction as currently defined is cost effective and has positive impacts on social development. There is a need for harm reduction approaches to be further developed and integrated, and be more broadly defined so they can have more impact across the range of drug issues. Studies suggest that benefits include: reduced risky drug use behavior, decreased transmission of HIV, safer disposal of injecting equipment, and less public nuisance. These findings indicate that social and health costs to societies may thus be reduced, thereby helping to enhance SED. 5. The forgotten victim: human rights Not only do some illicit drug policies have potential negative impacts on SED, but they also lead to violation of human rights. Eliminating families’ main source of income without creating viable alternatives robs them of their livelihood and dignity. Harsh law enforcement and militaristic approaches to controlling supply and demand of illicit drugs have had serious human rights implications, with physical abuse, sexual assault, public humiliation, denial of legal representation, and mortality being reported in the name of law enforcement. Moreover, in many countries, drug users are forced to undergo ‘treatment’ which is not evidenced-based. Stringent drug laws have often been used as an excuse to discriminate against poor and marginalized groups of society, especially ethnic minorities. Worldwide, drug users continue to be discriminated against, and are denied treatment and other social rights on the basis of their consumption of drugs. 6. Conclusions The interrelationships between illicit drug economies and SED are real and complex. Factors linked to SED may lead to or deter engagement with illicit drugs, while illicit drug economies negatively impact on SED in the long-term, despite possible shortterm benefits. By not acknowledging these linkages, illicit drug policies which focus solely on reducing demand and supply through law enforcement or forceful measures have often had consequences that adversely impact on SED, and also violate human rights – causing more harm than the drugs themselves. Thus, our original hypothesis that illicit drug policies are development policies are interdependent holds true based on the evidence available. The limitations of our review must be recognized. Our findings are based on limited evidence, which includes very few quantitative and detailed studies on the interrelationships, as well as a lack of rigorous evaluations of drug control programs. Our expectation of limited data availability was therefore also validated. In addition, there are inherent issues with determining impact of and on SED, and in this study we have assumed impact based on anecdotal and qualitative information rather than modeling or quantitative analyses. Having said this, our review substantiates the need for greater collaboration between illicit drug control and development agencies. It is imperative for development agencies and governments of developing and transitional countries to investigate and account for the impact of development on vulnerabilities to drug production, trade, and use. All aspects of development, ranging from infrastructure projects to education programs, especially if donor funded, must consider implications for illicit drug production, trade, and use, as is currently done with respect to poverty, the environment or gender dynamics. At the same time, current illicit drug policies need review in light of their inequitable and damaging effects in relation to social development. While acknowledgement of the link between both fields has been increasing, further research in the area will help to provide a stronger base for advocacy to ensure that theory is translated into practice. Details: Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 28, 2011 at: http://www.countthecosts.org/sites/default/files/Dependent-on-Development.pdf Year: 0 Country: International URL: http://www.countthecosts.org/sites/default/files/Dependent-on-Development.pdf Shelf Number: 121880 Keywords: Drug Control PoliciesDrug EnforcementDrug TradeDrug TraffickingDrugs Abuse and AddictionEconomics and CrimeGangsPovertySocioeconomic Development |
Author: Invernizzi, Antonella Title: Vulnerability to Exploitation and Trafficking of Bulgarian Children and Adolescents in Greece: A Case Study of Street Based Survival Strategies in Thessaloniki Summary: Streets and public spaces in Greece are vibrant and lively spaces during the day as well as night for leisure and social life and also for a number of very diverse economic activities. One might mention artists such as musicians or actors, elderly people selling coffee or cigarettes, people selling snacks or lottery tickets, women near markets selling cloths and curtains, adults and children selling candles or other religious items, tissues, CDs and DVDs, fl owers, with beggars seemingly gaining the sympathy by showing disability or family responsibility, which usually means carrying a baby or a toddler in their arms, or being accompanied by a disabled child. We also observed an adult with an adolescent seemingly in need of care, with a sign explaining about the surgery she needs. At the traffic lights, young people might hand out advertising material or leaflets to drivers whilst adolescents and adults clean windscreens. This is the scenario in which this research took place. Such a broad range of economic activities are carried out in the streets by a very heterogeneous population: old and young, of Greek as well as foreign nationality, of Roma origins as well as belonging to what it is usually considered as Greek mainstream society. Streets in the cities are often fast changing and some of the street work observed during this research might be the survival strategies of particularly vulnerable individuals facing hardship as a result of the economic turmoil. This might include internal or international migrants looking for income in very difficult circumstances. For others, such as students and young artists, the street is a space for generating income as well as having an audience for performances, thus incorporating a dimension of rehearsal and training. For those who beg or sell services or goods of limited use, the need is to generate compassion and empathy in order to gain some kind of income. Where this entail situations of authentic distress and extreme uncertainty, begging equally involves a display of the suffering and powerlessness to persuade the potential benefactor to support the beggar. In some cases, the display might be quite aggressive, as in the case of a woman with a baby showing her breast to drivers to bluntly point to the fact she was breastfeeding. Some beggars might act out fake disabilities, for instance a young woman who cleverly hid her arm in the sleeve of her coat whilst begging or pretend to have family responsibilities by carrying a child in her arms who might be that of a friend. Begging might also be a sort of cover for other activities such as picking pockets and for spotting potential victims or distracting them. More worryingly, both begging and delinquency might be, as information on trafficking shows, for the benefit of others whereby individual children and adults might be working under the hidden control of more powerful and sometimes well organised adults who are forcing and exploiting them into these activities. It is in this complex, constantly changing and very diverse environment that street social workers act to support children and adolescents facing hardship and risks and attempt to protect children from the most negative aspects of the street life. This includes identifying abuse and exploitation as well as, when and wherever possible, potential patterns of trafficking. Professionals need to build at least an often implicit framework to distinguish fake needs from ‘real’ ones whilst accepting that display of misery is part of begging. They have to identify potential delinquent behaviour behind the ‘less unacceptable’ and often tolerated survival strategies and, when it comes to family survival strategies, make the part of that which is the outcome of poverty, instability or particular widespread practices of some categories of the population from what is abuse or exploitation of children and vulnerable adults. They also need to keep an open mind on the possibility of trafficking in human beings. This research was aimed at supporting policy making and programmes active in the field by contributing to a better knowledge of the situation of these populations. Whereas street economic activities, including the most marginal and problematic ones, are from far not a question of specific grouping or categorisation but by and large cover a broader number of national and foreign ethnic and age categories, the specific focus was on Bulgarian children in the streets of Thessaloniki as part of the activities of the MARIO project. It resulted out of a partnership between MARIO project, Terre des Hommes and ARSIS Thessaloniki. ARSIS has proven expertise in the area of child trafficking and has already implemented a number of programmes in Greece and Albania with children working in the street that include prevention and protection in relation to traffi cking as well as support fo families. Whilst the population of Bulgarian children in the streets of Thessaloniki was seemingly increasing, communication and intervention with this population was confronted with barriers in communication and lack of background information on these specific groups. MARIO project’s set up for the study thus included a research team made of ARSIS based social worker, Ms Valbona Hystuna; Bulgaria based social worker, Ms Ulyana Matveeva (Alliance for Children and Youth, Sofi a) and the research consultant who is author of this report. The research set out to examine the situation of Bulgarian children and adolescents living and/or carrying out economic activities in the streets of Thessaloniki with an examination of migration patterns, vulnerability to and experiences of exploitation and, in the event, of patterns of trafficking. Details: Budapest: MARIO Project,Budapest in collaboration with ARSIS Thessaloniki, 2011. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 29, 2011 at: http://www.fitdh.org/pdf/pressreleases/bulgarian_children_in_greece_mario_report.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Greece URL: http://www.fitdh.org/pdf/pressreleases/bulgarian_children_in_greece_mario_report.pdf Shelf Number: 121894 Keywords: BeggingChild Sexual ExploitationChild Trafficking (Greece)PovertyStreet Children |
Author: Sami, Shafia Title: Youth-Led Survey on the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Vulnerable Children and Youth in Dhaka Slum Areas: A Youth-Led Study Summary: Bangladesh is a developing third world country with a large population. Most Bangladeshis live under the poverty level. The growing population and lack of livelihood options are becoming increasingly problematic. In rural areas, cultivatable land is being used is being to meet the housing need of the growing population. Natural disasters have caused the loss of lives as well as land, leaving many homeless. A large number of people come to Dhaka every day in search of a better livelihood. Due to lack of education and skills, they work as day laborer in mills or factories, rickshaw pullers, hawkers, drivers, drug smugglers, small businessmen, employees of business centers, etc. The low income received for these occupations is often inadequate to meet the high Dhaka living costs, compelling many to seek accommodation in slum areas. As many countries in the world achieve greater development, children in Bangladesh are struggling for a safe and secure environment to grow and learn. Despite being a signatory to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, many children remain unprotected. Child sexual abuse, sexual exploitation of children, child trafficking, and early marriage occur frequently in the social context of Bangladesh. Though many NGOs work with child victims of sexual abuse, exploitation and trafficking, little research has been undertaken on these issues. It is therefore impossible to determine exactly how many children in Bangladesh have become victims of commercial sexual exploitation. One study indicates, however, that one girl in every three becomes a victim of abuse. Slum areas are particularly difficult places for children to grow up. Children in danger may be reluctant to ask for help in fear that their parents may decide to move away and discontinue their schooling. Incidents of child abuse sometimes take place within families, with children being abused by close relatives. Children in these situations often feel that they cannot disclose the abuse to their parents in fear that they may be blamed themselves, with little or no consequences for the perpetrator. In this context, youth involved in the Youth Partnership Project in Bangladesh conducted a survey of children and young people living in slum areas of Dhaka city to collect information about their vulnerability to CSE, CSA, trafficking and early marriage in the socio-economic context of the slum environment. The survey conducted was both qualitative and quantitative. Participation, teamwork, collaboration, flexibility and triangulation were the key tenets of the approach adopted by the survey team. Methods used for data collection included: (i) individual interviews, (ii) focus group discussions (FGDs), and (iii) case study analysis. Aparajeyo-Bangladesh staff and the youth group members drafted a set of ethical principles to guide the work, along the themes of: (i) participation and protection, (ii) informed consent of the children, (iii) children’s confidentiality and trust, (iv) clarity, and (v) a conducive survey environment. Details: Mohammadpur, Dhaka, Bangladesh: Aparajeyo-Bangladesh, 2010. 66p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 29, 2011 at: http://www.ecpat.net/ei/Publications/CYP/YPP_Research_Bangladesh.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Bangladesh URL: http://www.ecpat.net/ei/Publications/CYP/YPP_Research_Bangladesh.pdf Shelf Number: 121897 Keywords: Child AbuseChild Sexual Exploitation (Bangladesh) Child SexuaChild TraffickingPovertySlums |
Author: Australia. Parliament. House of Representatives. Standing Committee on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs Title: Doing Time - Time for Doing: Indigenous Youth in the Criminal Justice System Summary: Indigenous juveniles are 28 times more likely than non-Indigenous juveniles to be incarcerated, despite Indigenous peoples representing only 2.5 percent of the Australian population. Indigenous social and economic disadvantage have contributed to the high levels of Indigenous contact with the criminal justice system. the Committee found there is intergenerational dysfunction in some Indigenous communities which presents a significant challenge to break the cycle of offending, recidivism and incarceration. The Committee examined current policy arrangements for overcoming Indigenous disadvantage and found it concerning that the Council of Australian Government’s (COAG’s) Closing the Gap Strategy did not include a National Partnership Agreement dedicated to the Safe Communities Building Block, nor did it include specific targets relating to justice. The Committee found this concerning in view of the weight of evidence it received during the inquiry that linked unsafe communities to the development of negative social norms and increasingly high rates of juvenile offending. The Committee has made 40 recommendations to Government and believes that to effect change in the area of Indigenous disadvantage and disproportionate incarceration rates, the following principles must be applied: engage and empower Indigenous communities in the development and implementation of policy and programs address the needs of Indigenous families and communities as a whole integrate and coordinate initiatives by government agencies, non-government agencies, and local individuals and groups focus on early intervention and the wellbeing of Indigenous children rather than punitive responses, and engage Indigenous leaders and elders in positions of responsibility and respect. Details: Canberra: Australian Parliament, 2011. 378p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 30, 2011 at: http://www.aph.gov.au/house/committee/atsia/sentencing/report/fullreport.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aph.gov.au/house/committee/atsia/sentencing/report/fullreport.pdf Shelf Number: 121926 Keywords: Indigenous PeoplesJuvenile Offenders (Australia)Minority GroupsPovertySocioeconomic Status |
Author: Bandyopadhyay, Siddhartha Title: An Analysis of the Factors Determining Crime in England and Wales: A Quantile Regression Approach Summary: We examine how socio-economic and police enforcement variables affect property and violent crimes at different points of the crime distribution in England and Wales over the period 1992-2007. By using data from 43 police force areas, we examine how the effect of real earnings, unemployment, crime detection rate, income inequality and proportion of young people varies across high and low crime areas. Six crime categories are examined - burglary, theft and handling, fraud and forgery, violence against the person, robbery, and sexual assault. Using a quantile regression model, we find that there are statistically significant differences in the impact of explanatory variables on various crime rates for low and high crime areas. For example, not only does unemployment increase crime but it does so more in high crime areas. Higher detection rates reduce crime rates and the effect is stronger in low crime areas. There are also differences in distributional impact on crime rates for real earnings, income inequality and proportion of young people. Thus, our work points to the need to look beyond the usual mean effects of policing and socio-economic factors on crime and consider their impact on the entire distribution of crime rates. This will enable us to tailor policies that are particularly effective at different points in the crime distribution. Further, given the differential impact of earnings and unemployment across high and low crime areas this provides insight into why paradoxically recessions may have no impact on crime or even lower it. Details: Birmingham, UK: University of Birmingham, Department of Economics, 2011. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Department of Economics Discussion Paper 11-12: Accessed July 18, 2011 at: ftp://ftp.bham.ac.uk/pub/RePEc/pdf/11-12.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 122083 Keywords: Crime RatesCrime StatisticsEconomicsPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeUnemployment |
Author: Moncrieffe, Joy Title: Making and Unmaking the Young ‘Shotta’ [Shooter]: Boundaries and (Counter)- Actions in the ‘Garrisons’ Summary: This paper comprises a patchwork of conversations and life-stories from two of Jamaica’s reputedly violent ‘garrison’ communities. The stories come from a variety of sources, grandparents to the very young; however, the principal focus is on the children and, specifically, on how some among them – those labelled as ‘young shottas’ [shooters] are cultivated. Our storytellers expose the effects of deep-rooted economic and social inequalities; the perception that gun violence is a means to personal liberation and ‘power’, particularly among males; and the concentration of conflict within and across like neighborhoods. There are stories about social conditioning and manhood, the role of families and peers and of how children are forced to grow in contexts where there are little or no opportunities for exit and restricted spaces for change. There are also accounts of how some actual and potential ‘shottas’ are attempting to contest the physical, material and socio-psychological boundaries within and outside of their immediate communities, through what Hayward (2000) describes as ‘action upon boundaries to action’. Notably, contestation does not always comprise those productive social actions that are considered crucial for participation and vibrant citizenship; it is often much more complex, combining non violent and violent actions, ‘legal’ and ‘illegal’ measures. It is important to dissect how perceptions, such as of legality and illegality, legitimacy and illegitimacy are framed for the stories indicate that in these communities such concepts can have different meanings and that what is considered indefensible in some areas may be both justified and regarded as normal practice in others. Through these forthright and compelling accounts, readers will be exposed to the routes to and experiences of different citizenships as well as the substantial challenges to transformational change, particularly for the children who were born and cultivated in these particular violent environments. Details: Brighton, UK: Institute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex, 2008. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper 297: Accessed July 20, 2011 at: http://www.drc-citizenship.org/system/assets/1052734559/original/1052734559-moncrieffe.2008-making.pdf?1289991772 Year: 2008 Country: Jamaica URL: http://www.drc-citizenship.org/system/assets/1052734559/original/1052734559-moncrieffe.2008-making.pdf?1289991772 Shelf Number: 122125 Keywords: Gun ViolencePovertySocioeconomic ConditionsViolenceViolent Crime (Jamaica)Youth Violence |
Author: McLean-Hilker, Lyndsay Title: Broadening Spaces for Citizens in Violent Contexts Summary: Violence and everyday insecurity are amongst the root causes of poverty: a simple and true statement that has at last been acknowledged in several international agreements, including the Geneva Declaration on Armed Violence (2008) and Dili Declaration (2010). Several new funding mechanisms have even been established to support efforts to reduce violence, including those that address the special security needs of excluded groups, women, youth and children. What recent policies have failed to adequately consider, however, is that poor and dispossessed people often perceive the state as a perpetrator or accomplice - whether by active complicity or passive omission – in the violence visited upon them. For policymakers and practitioners eager to move beyond top-down approaches to reducing insecurity and violence, this policy briefing offers insights into how local residents can be directly involved in finding solutions for their security and livelihood needs. Research from a range of contexts characterised by violence and everyday insecurity suggests that external actors can help to broaden spaces where citizens can take action in non-violent, socially legitimate ways, but that success depends on gaining a locally nuanced understanding of the complex relationship between violent and non-violent actors, and between forms of everyday violence and political violence. Details: Brighton, UK: Development Research Centre on Citizenship, Participation and Accountability, 2011. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Citizenship DRC Policy Briefing: Accessed July 20, 2011 at: http://www.drc-citizenship.org/system/assets/1052734708/original/1052734708-hilker_etal.2010-broadening.pdf?1299616068 Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.drc-citizenship.org/system/assets/1052734708/original/1052734708-hilker_etal.2010-broadening.pdf?1299616068 Shelf Number: 122126 Keywords: PovertySocioeconomic ConditionsViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Consortium for Street Children Title: STREET CHILDREN: A Mapping & Gapping Review of the Literature 2000 to 2010 Consortium for Street Children Summary: This paper presents a unique Literature Review of international research studies about street children published during the decade from 2000 to 2010. Studies have been collected and mapped into 12 thematic sections, drawing on more than 400 papers, chapters and books published around the world in the English language. Studies consulted were primarily academic, supplemented with key texts from the development literature on street children. Gaps between and within thematic sections have been identified and analyzed. The paper‘s dual purpose is: To improve understanding of street children by identifying recent advances in an academic scholarship which began in the 1970s To identify priority areas for academic research on street children, in order to build a stronger strategic base for the development of advocacy, policy and programme design initiatives. This Review divides into 4 Parts and a total of 12 sections, which reflect the most interesting advances in the academic research over the last 10 years as follows: 1. Street Children - Old Myths and New Realities: exploring their Numbers, Definitions, Characteristics and Voices from the Streets 2. Street Children – The Wider ‘Everyday’ Picture: exploring their Relationships, Migration and Mobility, Experiences on the Streets and Ageing into Youth 3. Policies and Interventions – as designed for or experienced by street children 4. The Policy Context – exploring Laws & Enforcement, plus Economics, Budgets & Funding. Details: London: Consortium for Street Children, 2011. 75p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 29, 2011 at: http://www.streetchildren.org.uk/_uploads/publications/Street_Children_Mapping__Gapping_Literature_Review_-_FINAL_VERSION_-_February_2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.streetchildren.org.uk/_uploads/publications/Street_Children_Mapping__Gapping_Literature_Review_-_FINAL_VERSION_-_February_2011.pdf Shelf Number: 122231 Keywords: Homeless ChildrenHomelessnessPovertyStreet Children |
Author: Gayle, Herbert Title: Male Social Participation and Violence in Urban Belize: An Examination of Their Experience with Goals, Guns, Gangs, Gender, God and Governance Summary: The report has ten chapters, divided into four sections. • The first is the Introduction comprised of the Research Design or methodology and the Critical Background. • The second section is an Assessment of the Human Ecology of Belize with emphasis on the urban centres, where social violence is concentrated. It is comprised of three chapters and is a discussion of the ‘pre‐conditional’ areas of the human ecology that contribute to social violence. These are the areas of a society that socialize and or nurture its populace: home, school and community. In the latter we have selected those institutions that comprise the central political authority, responsible for discipline, justice and equality. A breakdown in any of these institutions creates major crises leading to social violence. The third section is the Male Social Participation and Violence which is comprised of four chapters focused on the crisis of youth living in and affected by violence, with the emphasis on boys. The section begins with an Animated Life History of the very young children, ages 6‐13, followed by a PEER analysis of youth, then an Integrated Trauma Survey, and ends with a chapter on Gang Formation and Maintenance in urban Belize. The final section is the Summary and Suggestion. Details: Belize City: Ministry of Education, 2011. 401p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 7, 2011 at: http://www.belize.gov.bz/public/Attachment/0112315573071.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Belize URL: http://www.belize.gov.bz/public/Attachment/0112315573071.pdf Shelf Number: 122677 Keywords: GangsGender and ViolenceMalesPovertyUrban AreasViolenceViolent Crime (Belize)Youth Violence |
Author: Ellen, Ingrid Gould Title: Crime and U.S. Cities: Recent Patterns and Implications Summary: For most of the twentieth century, U.S. cities – and their high-poverty neighborhoods in particular -- were viewed as dangerous, crime-ridden places that middle class, mobile (and typically white) households avoided, fueling suburbanization. While some pundits and policy analysts bemoaned this urban flight, others voiced concern over the potential impact of crime-ridden environments on the urban residents who were left behind. In the past decade or so, the media has instead highlighted the dramatic reductions in crime taking place in many large cities. In this paper we explore these crime reductions and their implications for urban environments. We begin by examining the changes in central city crime rates in greater detail, documenting how central cities fared relative to suburban communities and examining which cities and neighborhoods experienced the largest declines. Given these patterns, we then explore two key questions: (1) whether and how these changes altered existing disparities in safety (or exposure to crime) among particular groups, and (2) the extent to which these reductions increased the relative attractiveness of cities and ultimately led to city growth. In exploring these questions, we draw on theory, past literature, as well as empirical evidence. Details: New York: Furman Center for Real Estate & Urban Planning and Wagner School of Public Services, New York University, 2009. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper: Accessed September 13, 2011 at: http://furmancenter.org/files/publications/Cities_and_US_Crime-Recent_Patterns_and_Implications.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://furmancenter.org/files/publications/Cities_and_US_Crime-Recent_Patterns_and_Implications.pdf Shelf Number: 122728 Keywords: Neighborhoods and CrimePovertyUrban Areas (U.S.) |
Author: Northern Illinois University. Center for Governmental Studies Title: Dubuque 2010 Study on Crime and Poverty Summary Report Summary: This study was designed to compare community perceptions of crime in Dubuque to actual crime data. The study included: 1) a public opinion survey 2) an analysis of Dubuque’s crime rates and trends over time compared to similarly sized communities in Iowa; 3) an analysis of Dubuque’s crime incidents over time, and the extent to which Section 8 housing recipients are connected to crime; 4) a review of research studies related to poverty, Section 8 housing assistance, crime, fear of crime, and crime prevention; and 5) a set of recommendations based on the research and evidence. To explore these issues, the following general research questions were posed: Do the perceptions of criminal activity and its causes in Dubuque match what is actually happening? Within categories of crime with significant increases in arrests, what policies or strategies can effectively decrease crime? If there are cases where there are community perceptions of increased criminal activity but no evidence to support the perception, what policies or strategies can effectively address the concerns? The resulting study report is complex and the authors warn throughout of various limitations with the data and analysis. NIU also states that readers are “strongly cautioned to not take singular statements, findings, maps or graphs contained in the report and examine or present them as a stand-alone finding. Rather, the analysis and report must be viewed in the full context and breadth of the examination, the totality of the findings and the broader social factors that underlie the phenomenon under study. Details: Dubuque, IA: Northen Illinois University, Center for Government Studies, 2011. 779p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 15, 2011 at: http://www.cityofdubuque.org/DocumentView.aspx?DID=2742 Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.cityofdubuque.org/DocumentView.aspx?DID=2742 Shelf Number: 122734 Keywords: Crime and Social DisorganizationCrime DisplacementCrime Statistics (Dubuque, Iowa)HousingPovertyUrban Crime |
Author: Naro, Neth Title: Human Trafficking in Cambodia: Reintegration of the Cambodian Illegal Migrants from Vietnam and Thailand Summary: The problem of human trafficking in Cambodia arose from poverty as the root cause wherein the poor wish to find income opportunities and hence became victims of trafficking into Thailand an Vietnam. In the process of helping those victims to return to their home countries, reintegration is considered crucial to help them meet better living conditions. Many factors have contributed to successful reintegration. Among these factors are job training and employment as the most important prerequisites of a reintegration programme. This paper seeks to examine whether reintegration is really helpful in assisting victims to obtain a better job and contribute towards helping their families. If reintegration is not really helpful, and the root cause of trafficking still remains, then the reintegration process will not succeed. Details: Singapore: S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, 2009. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: RSIS Working Paper No. 181: Accessed October 4, 2011 at: http://www.rsis.edu.sg/publications/WorkingPapers/WP181.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Cameroon URL: http://www.rsis.edu.sg/publications/WorkingPapers/WP181.pdf Shelf Number: 116249 Keywords: Human Trafficking (Cambodia)PovertyVictims of Human Trafficking |
Author: Reeve, Kesia Title: Squatting: A Homelessness Issue. An Evidence Review Summary: This report synthesises research commissioned by Crisis and other organisations about the nature and extent of squatting. It was commissioned to inform debate about squatting, particularly in the context of current Government proposals to criminalise squatting. The key conclusions, and recommendations which flow from them, are as follows: Squatting is a common response to homelessness, with evidence suggesting that 40 per cent of single homeless people squat (6 per cent on any one night). Most homeless people who squat try other avenues for resolving their housing problems before turning to squatting. They approach local hostels and shelters but find there are no spaces in the hostels, or they are not eligible, and that the assistance provided does not help them resolve their housing problem. The majority of those who approach a local authority are recognised as homeless. However, most are not entitled to housing because they are not recognised as being in priority need or are deemed intentionally homeless. Many squat as a last resort, when the only alternative is rough sleeping. The evidence suggests that the majority of squatters were sleeping rough immediately prior to squatting. Squatting, then, typically reflects a lack of other options, a scarcity of provision, and inadequate support and assistance to single homeless people. Many squatters have significant welfare needs including mental and physical health issues and other vulnerabilities. The evidence shows consistently that homeless people who squat have higher levels of needs than those who do not. The most recent study, for example, found that 34 per cent of homeless people who squat had been in care, 42 per cent had physical ill health or a disability; and 41 per cent reported mental ill health (compared with 19 per cent, 27 per cent, and 32 per cent respectively of homeless people who had not squatted) Homeless people who squat occupy empty, usually disused or abandoned property, not other people’s homes. Strengthening laws or enforcement activity against squatters in occupied buildings is likely to have minimal impact on levels of squatting but significant impact on squatters themselves. Squatting, then, is a homelessness and welfare issue, not a criminal justice issue. There is a need to acknowledge squatting as a manifestation of housing need and as a product of inadequate and insufficient support for single homeless people. Squatting needs to be debated within this context. Criminalising squatting will criminalise a vulnerable homelessness population and is likely to increase the number of rough sleepers. Instead, government and service providers should consider the following: Summary of findings and recommendations 1. Do not introduce further squatting related criminal offences. Squatting is not a criminal justice issue but a housing and welfare one and any change to the existing law risks harming an already very vulnerable population. 2. Improve the evidence base so fully informed debate can take place and appropriate interventions developed. At present, no national data are available and studies tend to be small scale. 3. Raise awareness and dispel some of the myths about squatters. Squatting needs to be recognised as a homelessness issue. 4. Provide support and outreach services targeted at squatters. Many want and require assistance but, for various reasons, are disengaged from support services. 5. Protect homelessness services from cuts, and increase homelessness provision. Many people squat because they have no other options. Squatting is likely to escalate if homelessness services are cut. 6. Ensure all local authorities provide effective ‘advice and assistance’ when single homeless people approach a local authority. Many homeless people who squat approach a local authority first but the assistance they receive does not help them resolve their housing problems. Details: London: Centre for Regional Economic and Social Research, Sheffield Hallam University, and Crisis, 2011. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 28, 2011 at: http://www.crisis.org.uk/data/files/publications/Crisis_SquattingReport_SEPT2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.crisis.org.uk/data/files/publications/Crisis_SquattingReport_SEPT2011.pdf Shelf Number: 123163 Keywords: Homeless PersonsHomelessnessPovertySquatting (U.K.) |
Author: International Labour Office Title: An In-Depth Analysis of Child Labour and Poverty in Honduras Summary: The present document describes the country's political, economic and social context; analyses general labour market conditions and the context within which children's work takes place; a summary of the general situation of children's work in the country; the relationship between children's work and poverty and other conditioning factors; conclusions and recommendations. Details: San José, Costa Rica, International Labour Office, 2004. 71p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 31, 2011 at: Year: 2004 Country: Honduras URL: Shelf Number: 118325 Keywords: Child Labor (Honduras)Child MaltreatmentPovertySocioeconomic Conditions |
Author: Institute for Children and Poverty Title: Exposure to Intimate Partner Violence among Poor Children Experiencing Homelessness or Residential Instability Summary: Over the past several decades, the public health crisis of intimate partner violence (IPV) has received increased attention. Victims of intimate partner violence report various patterns of abuse at the hands of their partners including, though not limited to, physical and sexual assault. Between 2001 and 2005, 38% of intimate partner violence in the United States was experienced by mothers with children under the age of twelve. Furthermore, it is estimated that over three million children are at risk of exposure to intimate partner violence each year, with such risk greatest for children under the age of six. Witnessing this violence adversely shapes a child’s social-emotional development, with evidence of increased externalizing and internalizing behavior problems compared to those who do not witness family violence. In addition, children who are exposed to intimate partner violence are less likely to succeed in school than children who are not exposed. Research suggests that stressful life events, such as intimate partner violence, and structural factors, including poverty and residential instability, greatly increase a family’s risk for homelessness. Although intimate partner violence affects families across all socio-economic groups, living in poverty greatly increases the risk. Moreover, there is a bi-directional relationship between intimate partner violence and poverty: poverty can decrease one’s resources, both economic and social, that are likely to increase the probability of escaping the abuse. On the other hand, the violence itself can decrease the likelihood of the victim being lifted out of poverty. Not only does living in poverty place families at greater risk for homelessness and residential instability, the co-occurrence of these factors increases the likelihood of experiencing intimate partner violence. One of the most important goals for families experiencing intimate partner violence is safety, so as the abuse escalates, many mothers and children make the difficult decision to leave their homes. Impoverished families escaping abuse, however, frequently have limited choices with regard to housing; these options include short-term solutions such as doubling-up with family or friends or entering the shelter system. Studies estimate that half of all homeless mothers experience intimate partner violence and over one-quarter of women in shelter cite domestic violence as the cause of their homelessness. Young children in these families not only witness the abuse of their mothers but also experience instability, by being displaced from their homes, schools, and, possibly, their fathers. Additionally, these children are at an increased risk of having been abused themselves. Once families are forced to make the decision to leave their homes because of intimate partner violence, they leave behind not only their belongings and familiar surroundings, but also their social support networks. Mothers who are victims of intimate partner violence and live in shelter are prone to greater social isolation than is found among low-income, housed victims, and this isolation can lead to increased fear and distrust of others. Compounded with the stresses of living in shelter, such as a lack of privacy, this isolation can impact the relationship between a mother and her young child. Children in these situations may experience increased parent-child conflict and display aggressive behavior toward their peers. At adulthood, females who witnessed intimate partner violence during childhood are more likely to experience abuse by intimate partners, while males are more likely to abuse their partners when compared to children from non-violent households. Using longitudinal data from a nationally representative sample of families, this research brief contributes to the field by analyzing how a family’s experiences with homelessness, poverty, and residential instability over the first five years of a child’s life are associated with incidences of intimate partner violence, specifically physical and sexual abuse against mothers by the child’s father. In addition, children’s exposure to such abuse by the time they are five years old is investigated. Details: New York: Institute for Children and Poverty, 2010. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 5, 2011 at: http://www.icphusa.org/PDF/reports/ICP_ResearchBrief_ExposureToIntimatePartnerViolenceAmongPoorChildren.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.icphusa.org/PDF/reports/ICP_ResearchBrief_ExposureToIntimatePartnerViolenceAmongPoorChildren.pdf Shelf Number: 123243 Keywords: Child Witnesses, Family ViolenceFamily ViolenceHomelessnessIntimate Partner ViolencePoverty |
Author: St. Mungo's Title: Battered, Broken, Bereft: Why People Still End Up Sleeping Rough Summary: Three out of five outreach workers across the country say they are seeing an increasing number of rough sleepers, according to new research published today by homelessness charity St Mungo's. Moreover, almost three quarters (71%) of those surveyed did not believe that there was enough emergency accommodation for rough sleepers in their area The figures come from a new report ‘Battered, broken, bereft - why people still end up rough sleeping' - Battered broken bereft St Mungos rough sleeping report October 2011 This includes findings from the first ever survey of outreach workers across England as well as statistics from St Mungo's survey of its 1,500 clients - the largest survey of homeless people of its kind. The report highlights relationship breakdowns, domestic violence and mental health conditions as three of the main traumas leading people to sleep rough on the streets today: •Relationship breakdown is the largest single trigger of rough sleeping cited by outreach workers, leading to 42% of male rough sleeping. •Among women, 35% slept rough after leaving home to escape domestic violence. •Perhaps the most shocking finding is that 57% of outreach workers believe that the number of rough sleepers in their area with mental health problems has increased over the last five years. Details: London: St. Mongo's, 2011. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 8, 2011 at: www.mungos.org/documents/7269 Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 123259 Keywords: Domestic ViolenceHomelessness (U.K.)Mentally IllPoverty |
Author: Silverman, Carol Title: The Consequences of Structural Racism, Concentrated Poverty and Violence on Young Men and Boys of Color Summary: This brief examines the broader structural and institutional elements that research implicates as the root causes of violence among boys and young men of color. It includes policy solutions and emerging and promising practices that respond to the primacy of broader structural issues, including structural racism. The brief also highlights organizations seeking to change conditions in their communities. Details: Berkeley, CA: Chief Justice Earl Warren Institute on Law and Social Policy, University of California, Berkeley Law School, 2011. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Brief: Accessed November 29, 2011 at: http://www.boysandmenofcolor.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/05/Youth-Violence-for-Boys-and-Men-of-Color-Research-Brief.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.boysandmenofcolor.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/05/Youth-Violence-for-Boys-and-Men-of-Color-Research-Brief.pdf Shelf Number: 123464 Keywords: African AmericansDelinquency PreventionPovertyRacismRestorative JusticeSocioeconomic StatusViolent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: Casey, Timothy Title: Not Enough: What TANF Offers Family Violence Victims Summary: Domestic violence and poverty are intersecting issues. Significant numbers1 of women2 living in poverty are battered and the violence they experience can make the climb out of poverty unattainable. Poverty, in turn, can make it impossible to escape violence or deal with its effects. To be safe, victims need to be free from the violence and control of those who abuse them, but they must also be able to meet their basic human needs. Some studies have found that over half of the women receiving public assistance (“welfare”) have reported being battered.3 This paper reports on a recent national survey documenting both the importance of the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program to victims of family violence, and difficulties victims may encounter when seeking assistance from TANF.4 Survey responses show that some victims in some places are getting the TANF resources – a financial bridge to safety – that they need. In these instances, TANF often represents the difference between safety and continued violence for a victim and her children. Unfortunately though, the survey data also reveals a different reality – one marked by bureaucratic black holes, indifferent or even hostile staff, inadequate benefits, rules and practices that effectively bar victims from needed assistance, and in some circumstances, mandates and errors that put victims in more danger than before they sought help. For too many victims, TANF does not provide what they need to be safe. It is not enough. Details: New York: Legal Momentum, 2010. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 10, 2012 at Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 124071 Keywords: Domestic ViolencePovertyVictimization Surveys |
Author: Muggah, Robert Title: More Slums Equals More Violence: Reviewing Armed Violence and Urbanization in Africa Summary: The majority of the world’s population today live in cities. The uncontrolled development of informal settlements in many cities has led to the expansion of slums and shantytowns. In Africa figures show that in 2005 approximately 40 percent of the population live in urban areas with this number estimated to rise to 50 percent by 2030. Even more alarming, more than half of Africa’s urban populations reside in slums. The concentration of the poor in cities and the peripheries is expected to continue, with dramatic increases in pace and scale in developing regions such as Africa. Residents of sprawling slums and shantytowns are exposed to heightened exposure and risk of criminal violence, narcotics and communicable illnesses, all of which constitute potent determinants of armed violence. Because they are often located outside the reach of formal policing institutions, impoverished slums are less able to enforce the regulation of the trade and use of weapons, including firearms. There is an estimated 30 million small arms and light weapons on the African continent, of which approximately 80 percent are in civilian hands, it is likely that marginalized areas of Africa’s urban landscape will become home to ever-growing arsenals. As the scale and distribution of urban armed violence in Africa evolves, some agreement on the types of risk factors contributing to its onset and spread on the continent have been identified. These include: Structural factors such as limited education, under- and unemployment, income inequality and uncontrolled urban planning. Proximate factors include segregation and urban density, cultures of masculinity, limited faith in public security, informal social organizations such as gangs and militia, and arms availability.4 There is also a strong link between countries emerging from war and the onset of urban violence – usually of a political and criminalise form. This is usually accompanied by the erosion of emerging democratic and development institutions.5 It is important to remember that there is ‘neither a simple nor a necessary causal link between urbanization and armed violence’.6 This paper explores some of the links between urbanization and armed violence within the African context, examining the nature and impact of particular aspects of armed violence such as firearm homicides and the emergence of criminal gang activity and vigilantism. The paper also considers possible approaches to reduce urban armed violence, drawing on lessons learned in other developing regions. Details: Geneva: United Nations Development Programme, 2007. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: UNDP/Geneva Declaration Working Paper; Accessed March 30, 2012 at: http://www.genevadeclaration.org/fileadmin/docs/regional-publications/Armed-Violence-and-Urbanization-in-Africa.pdf Year: 2007 Country: Africa URL: http://www.genevadeclaration.org/fileadmin/docs/regional-publications/Armed-Violence-and-Urbanization-in-Africa.pdf Shelf Number: 113573 Keywords: Armed ViolenceEconomic ConditionsPovertySlums (Africa)Urban Violence |
Author: Silva, Jailson de Souza Title: Brazil Children in Drug Trafficking: A Rapid Assessment Summary: The central subject of this Rapid Assessment to investigate the Worst Forms of Child Labour (WFCL) is the involvement of children in the drug trafficking business, in low-income communities, “Favelas”, in Rio de Janeiro. This study seeks to establish the variables that best explain why children enter and take part in this line of activity. The project was commissioned to the Instituto de Estudos Trabalho e Sociedade - IETS, a Brazilian NGO, recognized as a public interest organization by the Brazilian Ministry of Justice. IETS forms a network of researchers from a diverse set of Rio de Janeiro’s main academic and research institutions. The institute aims to generate and induce the generation of information relevant to the investigation of poverty and inequality and to monitor, evaluate and propose initiatives in the field of public policy, seeking its reduction. The present project compiled and organized data concerning living standards of children working in drug trafficking schemes in several low-income communities in Rio de Janeiro. A workshop bringing together researchers, people active and interested in the field and representatives of grass-roots organizations who work in low-income areas was also an important part of the project. This enabled an exchange of knowledge and the production of new public policy proposals that may improve the circumstances at hand. This document starts with a presentation of some general socio-economic data of Rio de Janeiro, setting the background and context in which the children live. Next it provides a synthesis of the specific labour market for children and young adults in the metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro, with particular stress on the indicators of 52 low-income communities. The theme’s general introduction is completed by a brief review of the literature on child and youth criminality and drug trafficking. The second chapter presents the methodology used in the project. In its main body, the document presents a number of tables that organize part of the data surveyed in the project. Firstly, tables of crimes and misdemeanors committed by children and adolescents in Rio de Janeiro from 1996 to 2000 are exposed, which have been provided by the Children’s Court ( Vara de Infância e Juve ntude). Next, the profile of the children is presented. Finally, views of different actors are exposed on the reasons that lead children to, and keep them working in, drug related activities, and on measures that should be undertaken to keep children from joining the trafficking business or to help them abandon the scene. The document is concluded by a brief description of the workshop, a final analysis of the activity and policy proposals to address the problem. Details: Geneva: International Labour Organization, International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC), 2002. 86p. Source: Internet Resource: Investigating the Worst Forms of Child Labour No. 20: Accessed April 10, 2012 at: http://www.dreamscanbe.org/Reasearch%20Page%20Docs/Souza%20e%20Silva%20and%20Urani%20-%20Brazil%20Children%20in%20Drug%20Trafficki.pdf Year: 2002 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.dreamscanbe.org/Reasearch%20Page%20Docs/Souza%20e%20Silva%20and%20Urani%20-%20Brazil%20Children%20in%20Drug%20Trafficki.pdf Shelf Number: 124916 Keywords: Child LaborChildren as Drug TraffickersDrug Trafficking (Brazil)Juvenile OffendersPoverty |
Author: Laczko, Frank Title: Trafficking in Persons and Human Development: Towards A More Integrated Policy Response Summary: Poverty is often regarded as the "root cause" of trafficking, but the linkages between poverty, lack of development and trafficking are complex. For example, there is some evidence to suggest that victims of cross-border trafficking are more likely to originate from middle-income rather than lower-income countries. Trafficking and development have tended to be treated as very separate policy areas and the assessment of the development impact of counter-trafficking programmes is still at an early stage. This paper outlines a possible framework for a more evidence-based approach to understanding the linkages between trafficking, trafficking policy and human development. The paper argues that the human development gains from greater mobility could be significantly enhanced if there was greater coherence between policies to combat trafficking and policies to promote development. Details: New York: United Nations Development Program, 2009. 68p. Source: Internet Resource: Human Development Research Paper 2009/51: Accessed May 4, 2012 at: http://hdr.undp.org/en/reports/global/hdr2009/papers/HDRP_2009_51.pdf Year: 2009 Country: International URL: http://hdr.undp.org/en/reports/global/hdr2009/papers/HDRP_2009_51.pdf Shelf Number: 125155 Keywords: Human TraffickingPovertySexual Exploitation |
Author: O'Grady, Bill Title: Can I See Your ID? The Policing of Youth Homelessness in Toronto Summary: Homelessness, and its visibility, is back in the news in Toronto. Concerns about the scourge of panhandling have once again surfaced in local media with city councillors regularly weighing in on the ‘problem’. With little evidence that there is a dramatic increase in the numbers of people sleeping in parks or ‘aggressively’ panhandling on sidewalks, calls are once again being made for a law and order response to address this highly visible manifestation of urban poverty; to crack down on homelessness with tougher laws and stricter enforcement. All of this raises important questions about how we respond to homelessness in Canada. What does it say about Canadians when popular thought suggests that the appropriate way to address the problem of homelessness is through law enforcement? Is the use of police in dealing with people who are homeless as much a part of the Canadian response to homelessness as is the provision of shelter beds, soup kitchens and street outreach? And perhaps most importantly, what is the impact of a law and order approach to homelessness on the lives of people who experience such extreme poverty? This report sets out to document the criminalization of homelessness in Canada by exploring the relationship between homeless persons – in particular, street youth - and law enforcement officials (both the police and private security). Drawing from over 240 interviews with street youth in Toronto in 2009, as well as a review of official statistics on Ontario Safe Streets Act tickets in Toronto over the past 11 years, we explore the ways in which homelessness has been criminalized through a law and order agenda. Effective policy should be informed by research, not developed as a response to moral panics. Our research raises serious questions about the use of law enforcement as a strategy to address the visibility of homelessness in Canada. Details: Toronto: Justice for Children and Youth, and Homeless Hub Press, 2011. 96p. Source: Internet Resource: The Homeless Hub Research Report Series, Report #5: Accessed June 26, 2012 at: http://www.homelesshub.ca/ResourceFiles/CanISeeYourID_nov9.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Canada URL: http://www.homelesshub.ca/ResourceFiles/CanISeeYourID_nov9.pdf Shelf Number: 125405 Keywords: Homeless PersonsHomeless YouthHomelessness (Canada)PanhandlingPoverty |
Author: National Law Center on Homelessness & Poverty Title: Criminalizing Crisis: The Criminalization of Homelessness in U.S. Cities Summary: Since the National Law Center on Homelessness & Poverty (the Law Center) and the National Coalition for the Homeless released their last report on the criminalization of homelessness, Homes Not Handcuffs, in July 2009, the housing and homelessness crisis in the United States has deepened significantly. In its 2010 survey of 27 large cities, the U.S. Conference of Mayors observed that 52 percent of cities have seen in increase in overall homelessness, while 58 percent have seen an increase in family homelessness. Further, across the surveyed cities, an average of 27 percent of homeless people were turned away from emergency shelter due to lack of space. Despite the fact that communities all over the country lack adequate affordable housing and shelter space, cities are continuing to penalize people forced to live on our streets and in public spaces. Criminalization measures often prohibit activities like as sleeping/camping, eating, sitting, and/or begging in public spaces and include criminal penalties for violations of these laws. Some cities have even enacted restrictions that punish groups and individuals for serving food to homeless people. Many of these measures appear to be designed to move homeless persons out of sight, or even out of a given city. Criminalizing Crisis, the Law Center’s tenth report on the criminalization of homelessness, provides an overview of the criminalization measures in place across the country, as well as guidance on how advocates can combat them and promote more constructive alternatives. The report summarizes the results of a national survey by the Law Center on the enforcement of criminalization measures across the country, as well as a survey of the particular laws in place in 234 cities and the changes in those laws since our 2009 report. Criminalizing Crisis reviews the costs and other impacts of criminalization and includes recommendations for policy change. The report concludes that criminalization measures do nothing to solve the problem of homelessness. Instead, they frequently perpetuate homelessness, place unnecessary burdens on our criminal justice system, and violate homeless individuals’ civil and human rights. The report’s comprehensive Advocacy Manual provides guidance and tools for advocates. Details: Washington, DC: National Law Center on Homelessness & Poverty, 2011. 208p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 6, 2012 at: http://www.nlchp.org/content/pubs/11.14.11%20criminalization%20report%20&%20advocacy%20manual,%20final1.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.nlchp.org/content/pubs/11.14.11%20criminalization%20report%20&%20advocacy%20manual,%20final1.pdf Shelf Number: 125485 Keywords: Homeless Persons (U.S.)HomelessnessHousingPoverty |
Author: Patel, Roopal Title: Criminal Justice Debt: A Toolkit for Action Summary: Criminal justice debt is a huge problem for the overwhelmingly indigent population of the United States criminal justice system. States charge a number of fees at every stage of criminal processing: fees for public defenders, jail fees, prison fees, court administrative fees, prosecution fees, probation fees, parole fees, etc. When these fees are applied without considering if a person can actually pay them or not, it can create enormous costs for the individuals ensnared in the criminal justice system. Many offenders now serve multiple sentences because they cannot afford to pay. They often face another physical sentence, or as they struggle to make payments, they may suffer a host of collateral consequences that create barriers to re-entering society and raise the specter of re-imprisonment. Criminal Justice Debt: A Toolkit for Action examines the myriad problems that criminal justice debt collection policies create for the individuals in the criminal justice system, the communities they reside in, and the states who attempt to make money off of them. The report also analyzes the impact these charges have had on the states that attempt to collect fees from people who cannot pay them. The authors propose areas that advocates can target for reform, and present action materials that advocates can use to build a successful campaign to fight for more just policies. Details: New York: Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law, 2012. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 13, 2012 at: http://brennan.3cdn.net/4c14b93f5afee89bd5_zfsm6v848.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://brennan.3cdn.net/4c14b93f5afee89bd5_zfsm6v848.pdf Shelf Number: 125612 Keywords: Criminal Justice DebtFeesIndigents (U.S.)PovertyPrisoner Reentry |
Author: Choate, David E. Title: Comparing South Mountain Neighborhood Arrestees among AARIN Respondents Summary: The South Mountain neighborhood is located in the southern part of the City of Phoenix in Maricopa County. The three zip codes of 85040, 85041 and 85042 comprise the bulk of the neighborhood and serve as the target area boundary for this report. South Mountain is a distressed community, with significant need and limited resources. It is an area that differs from most of the city, with a pre- dominantly economically disadvantaged Latino and African-American population. As part of Maricopa County’s efforts to identify the needs, the gaps in services and resources, and to use data to inform the County about making effective and meaningful policy changes, this report uses data collected as part of the ongoing AARIN project and economic measures derived from U.S. Census data to help examine and potentially guide restoration efforts in South Mountain. The report is divided into two sections for analysis. The first section uses U.S. Census estimates as a basis for understanding some of the community’s social and economic context through demographic characteristics. The second series of analysis relies on data gathered as part of the AARIN project to compare arrestees from the South Mountain area to respondents from the rest of Maricopa County. When the information provided by AARIN respondents is combined with the social and economic characteristics of the South Mountain community at large, meaningful policy implications emerge. Details: Phoenix: Center for Violence Prevention and Community Safety, Arizona State University, 2009. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 16, 2012 at: http://cvpcs.asu.edu/sites/default/files/content/products/AARIN%20Report_south%20mountain_FINAL2.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://cvpcs.asu.edu/sites/default/files/content/products/AARIN%20Report_south%20mountain_FINAL2.pdf Shelf Number: 125619 Keywords: Drug Offenders (Arizona)Drugs and CrimeNeighborhoods and CrimePoverty |
Author: Mo, Pak Hung Title: International Human Trafficking: Theory and Solution. Summary: In this paper, we build a simple model to explain the choice of migration method and the root causes of international human trafficking (IHT). Our analyses result in several implications on the problems related to IHT. First, IHT is driven by poverty and international productivity/living quality disparities. Second, the existing humanitarian and/or suppressive approaches cannot solve the problem. Third, the best option for solving the problem is setting up the ‘reciprocal direct investment’ (RDI) scheme between leading and lagged economies. The RDI scheme can facilitate improvements in the quality of public governance in lagged economies and directly promote international competition, efficiency, trade liberalization and division of labor. The resulting convergence in global living quality at a higher level across nations will eliminate the root causes of illicit migrations. Details: Hong Kong: Hong Kong Baptist Unviersity, 2011. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: MPRA Paper No. 35104: Accessed July 24, 2012 at: http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/35104/1/MPRA_paper_35104.pdf Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/35104/1/MPRA_paper_35104.pdf Shelf Number: 125760 Keywords: Economic ConditionsHuman TraffickingIllegal MigrationPovertySex Trafficking |
Author: Freedman, Matthew Title: Your Friends and Neighbors: Localized Economic Development, Inequality, and Criminal Activity Summary: We exploit a sudden shock to demand for a subset of low-wage workers generated by the 2005 Base Realignment and Closure (BRAC) program in San Antonio, Texas to identify the effects of local economic development programs on crime. We use a difference-in-difference methodology that takes advantage of variation in BRAC’s impact over time and across neighborhoods. We find that appropriative criminal behavior increases in neighborhoods where a fraction of residents experienced increases in earnings. This effect is driven by residents who were unlikely to be BRAC beneficiaries, implying that inequality can increase crime. We find less evidence of an impact on serious violence. Details: Ithaca, NY: Cornell University, Department of Economics and Department of Policy Analysis and Management, 2012. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 30, 2012 at: http://works.bepress.com/matthew_freedman/17/ Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://works.bepress.com/matthew_freedman/17/ Shelf Number: 125816 Keywords: Economic Development and CrimeEconomics and Crime (Texas)Neighborhoods and CrimePoverty |
Author: Michaelsen, Maren M. Title: Mental Health and Labour Supply: Evidence from Mexico's Ongoing Violent Conflicts Summary: In Mexico, conflicts between drug-trafficking organisations result in a high number of deaths and immense suffering among both victims and non-victims every year. Little scientific research exists which identifies and quantifies the monetary and nonmonetary consequences of ongoing violent conflicts on individuals. Using the Mexican Family Life Survey for 2002 and 2005, the causal effect of mental health (symptoms of depression / anxiety) on the extensive and intensive margin of labour supply for work-ingaged men and women is estimated. Measures of the ongoing drug-related violent conflicts both at the macro level using intentional homicide rates by region, and at the micro level indicated by the presence of armed groups in the neighbourhood, serve as instruments for mental health. The results show a significant adverse impact of the conflicts on anxiety for men and women. Based on IV-Tobit model results, a worse mental health state decreases individual labour supply strongly and significantly for men. The findings demonstrate that Mexico's population not only suffers from the violent conflicts between drug-trafficking organisations by anxiety or even depression but also indirectly from less household income through less work which in turn has consequences for Mexico's social development and economic growth. Details: Brighton, UK: Households in Conflict Network, The Institute of Development Studies - at the University of Sussex, 2012. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 16, 2012 at: http://www.hicn.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/HiCN-WP-117.zip Year: 2012 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.hicn.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/HiCN-WP-117.zip Shelf Number: 126046 Keywords: Drug Trafficking (Mexico)Drug ViolenceEconomic DevelopmentHomicidesLabor SupplyPoverty |
Author: Ditmore, Melissa Title: The Road North The Role of Gender, Poverty and Violence in Trafficking from Mexico to the US Summary: The Road North was undertaken when service providers in Mexico sought information about people trafficked to the United States via Mexico in order to inform their practice, and support their work to prevent human trafficking. The context of migration between the US and Mexico is influenced by economic disparities, economic and migration policies, labor opportunities and gender roles in both countries. Human trafficking also occurs within Mexico. The US response to human trafficking, which emphasizes law enforcement, is described, alongside the challenges presented. These topics are discussed throughout the full report to promote greater understanding of the data and its interpretation. The Road North highlights the experiences of 37 individuals who were trafficked from Mexico to the United States, eventually arriving in the New York City area. Of the 36 women, including 2 transgender women, and 1 man in this report, all but one had experienced some form of sexual harassment or were trafficked into the sex industry. Many were also forced or coerced into other labor or economic activities, including theft. Data was collected from 37 signed affidavits and 6 interviews. The affidavits were written between 2005 and 2011. Interviews were conducted in January and February 2012. 25 affidavits were collected from the Sex Workers Project (SWP) at the Urban Justice Center and 12 were collected from the Anti-Trafficking Program at Safe Horizon, both based in New York City. The interviews were conducted with clients and former clients of SWP whose affidavits were also being used for this report. Details: New York: Sex Workers Project, Urban Justice Center, 2012. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 29, 2012 at: http://www.sexworkersproject.org/downloads/2012/swp-2012-the-road-north-en.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.sexworkersproject.org/downloads/2012/swp-2012-the-road-north-en.pdf Shelf Number: 126501 Keywords: Human Trafficking (U.S., Mexico)PovertySex WorkersSexual Exploitation |
Author: National Law Center on Homelessness & Poverty Title: Alone Without A Home: A State-by-State Review of Laws Affecting Unaccompanied Youth Summary: Each year, an estimated 1.6 million children and youth (ages 12-17) experience homelessness without a parent or guardian. These youth leave home for a variety of reasons, including severe family conflict, parental abuse or neglect, parental mental health issues, or substance abuse. Whether runaway or throwaway, once on the street, unaccompanied homeless youth face numerous legal barriers that often complicate their attempts to meet the basic necessities of life on their own and prevent them from reaching out for assistance to state agencies and service providers that could otherwise help them. Further complicating matters is that many of these laws vary considerably from state to state, creating misinterpretations by service providers and mistaken avoidance of services on the part of homeless youth who may fear being taken into state custody or assume they will be turned away. This report reviews the state of current law in 12 key issue areas that affect the lives and future prospects of unaccompanied homeless youth in all 50 U.S. states and 6 territories. The report offers an overview of the range of approaches taken by states and their relative prevalence, and reveals significant differences in many cases. The report also provides recommendations for policy change in each of the areas, with a view towards strengthening the supports available to unaccompanied youth. While many issues surrounding unaccompanied youth remain controversial, the aim of this report is to recommend steps that can protect their safety, development, health and dignity, and thus increase their prospects for positive future outcomes. Details: Washington, DC: National Law Center on Homelessness & Poverty and The National Network for Youth, 2012. 251p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 15, 2012 at: http://www.nlchp.org/content/pubs/Alone%20Without%20a%20Home,%20FINAL1.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.nlchp.org/content/pubs/Alone%20Without%20a%20Home,%20FINAL1.pdf Shelf Number: 126728 Keywords: Juvenile RunawaysPovertyStatus OffensesStreet ChildrenYouth Homelessness (U.S.) |
Author: National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty Title: Alone Without a Home: A State-by-State Review of Laws Affecting Unaccompanied Homeless Youth Summary: Each year, an estimated 1.6 million children and youth (ages 12-17) experience homelessness without a parent or guardian. These youth leave home for a variety of reasons, including severe family conflict, parental abuse or neglect, parental mental health issues, or substance abuse. Whether runaway or throwaway, once on the street, unaccompanied homeless youth face numerous legal barriers that often complicate their attempts to meet the basic necessities of life on their own and prevent them from reaching out for assistance to state agencies and service providers that could otherwise help them. Further complicating matters is that many of these laws vary considerably from state to state, creating misinterpretations by service providers and mistaken avoidance of services on the part of homeless youth who may fear being taken into state custody or assume they will be turned away. This report reviews the state of current law in 12 key issue areas that affect the lives and future prospects of unaccompanied homeless youth in all 50 U.S. states and 6 territories. The report offers an overview of the range of approaches taken by states and their relative prevalence, and reveals significant differences in many cases. The report also provides recommendations for policy change in each of the areas, with a view towards strengthening the supports available to unaccompanied youth. While many issues surrounding unaccompanied youth remain controversial, the aim of this report is to recommend steps that can protect their safety, development, health and dignity, and thus increase their prospects for positive future outcomes. Details: Washington, DC: National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty, 2012. 251p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 24, 2012 at: http://www.nlchp.org/content/pubs/Alone%20Without%20a%20Home,%20FINAL1.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.nlchp.org/content/pubs/Alone%20Without%20a%20Home,%20FINAL1.pdf Shelf Number: 126783 Keywords: Homeless Persons (U.S.)HomelessnessPovertyRunaways |
Author: Popkin, Susan Title: The Chicago Family Case Management Demonstration: Developing a New Model for Serving “Hard to House” Public Housing Families Summary: The situation of the hundreds of “hard to house” families with multiple challenges who remain in CHA’s traditional public housing is of great concern. Many of these families face numerous, complex challenges that create barriers to their ability to move toward self-sufficiency or even sustain stable housing (see figure 1), including serious physical and mental health problems; weak (or nonexistent) employment histories and limited work skills; very low literacy levels; drug and alcohol abuse; family members’ criminal histories; and serious credit problems. The Chicago Family Case Management Demonstration is an innovative initiative designed to meet the challenges of serving the Chicago Housing Authority’s (CHA) “hard to house” residents. It involves a unique partnership of city agencies, service providers, researchers, and private foundations, all with a deep commitment to finding solutions for the most vulnerable families affected by the CHA’s transformation of its distressed public housing developments. The Demonstration puts the CHA and its partner agency, the Chicago Department of Human Services (CDHS) in the vanguard of efforts to meet the needs of the nation’s most vulnerable public housing residents. The rigorous evaluation design allows for continuous learning and mid-course corrections, and will help the team develop a validated model that other housing authorities grappling with similar challenges can use. The Demonstration serves residents from two CHA developments—Wells/Madden Park and Dearborn Homes—and provides these “hard to house” families with intensive family case management services, long-term support, enhanced relocation services, workforce strategies for those who have barriers to employment, and financial literacy training. The ultimate goal of these services is to help these families maintain safe and stable housing, whether in traditional CHA public housing, in the private market with a voucher, or potentially, in new, mixed-income developments. The Demonstration is supported by a consortium of public agencies and foundations (see figure 2 in next section). This report describes the design and development of the Demonstration, provides an overview of the first year of implementation, and presents baseline findings from a comprehensive resident survey. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2008. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 1, 2012 at: http://www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/411708_public_housing_familes.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/411708_public_housing_familes.pdf Shelf Number: 127082 Keywords: Ex-Offender HousingPovertyPublic Housing (Chicago)Vulnerable AdultsVulnerable Families |
Author: Wu, Tiffany Title: Media Narratives of Crime and the Favelas of Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro Summary: Brazil’s two largest urban metropolises, São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, have traditionally received drastically different treatment on the world stage and in global as well as domestic media. Though the cities differ in terms of geography, historical development, and the roles each plays in the national economy, favelas—lower-income squatter settlements—have arisen in both. This work is a comparative case study of media narratives of crime and criminality in and around São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro’s favelas, employing framing analysis to tease out the representations embedded in domestically produced media. I find that the cities’ favelas are treated very differently, and propose an explanation based on variation in the spatial organization of the favelas: while São Paulo’s favelas are located in the periphery of the city, Rio’s favelas are dispersed throughout, juxtaposed with wealthy neighborhoods. Details: Berkeley, CA: University of California at Berkeley, 2012. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed December 4, 2012 at: http://legalstudies.berkeley.edu/files/2012/05/Wu-Thesis-Final.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Brazil URL: http://legalstudies.berkeley.edu/files/2012/05/Wu-Thesis-Final.pdf Shelf Number: 127116 Keywords: Crime (Brazil)Economics of CrimeFavelasMediaPovertyUrban Areas |
Author: Seekings, Jeremy Title: Socio-Economic Conditions, Young Men and Violence in Cape Town Summary: People in violent neighbourhoods attribute violence in public spaces to, especially, poverty and unemployment, but agree that social disintegration, disrespect, drinking and drugs and the weaknesses of the criminal justice system also contribute substantially. However, data from a panel of young men in Cape Town provide little support for the hypothesis that unemployment and poverty are direct causes of violence against strangers. Growing up in a home where someone drank heavily or took drugs is, however, a strong predictor of violence against strangers in early adulthood. A history of drinking (or taking drugs) correlates with perpetration of violence, and might also serve as a mechanism through which conditions during childhood have indirect effects. Living in a bad neighbourhood and immediate poverty are associated with violence against strangers, but being unemployed is not. Overall, heavy drinking – whether by adults in the childhood home or by young men themselves – seems to be a more important predictor of violence than economic circumstances in childhood or the recent past. Heavy drinking seems to play an important part in explaining why some young men have been more violent than others in circumstances that seem to have been generally conducive to rising violence, for reasons that remain unclear. It seems likely that few young people in South Africa in the early 2000s come from backgrounds that strongly predispose them against the use of violence. Details: Brighton, UK: MICROCON, University of Sussex, 2011. 33p. Source: Internet Resource: MICROCON Research Working Paper 49: Accessed December 4, 2012 at: http://www.microconflict.eu/publications/RWP49_JS_KT.pdf Year: 2011 Country: South Africa URL: http://www.microconflict.eu/publications/RWP49_JS_KT.pdf Shelf Number: 127121 Keywords: Alcohol AbusePovertySocio-Economic Conditions and CrimeUnemployment and CrimeUrban NeighborhoodsViolent Crime (Cape Town, South Africa)Youth Violence |
Author: Sohnen, Eleanor Title: Paying for Crime: A Review of the Relationships Between Insecurity and Development in Mexico and Central America Summary: For Mexico and Central America, insecurity, crime, and violence are major barriers to economic growth and development. Insecurity negatively impacts citizens’ health and quality of life. It erodes trust and cooperation, both interpersonal as well as between citizens and governments and security and judicial institutions. It reduces individuals’ and businesses’ willingness to invest in human and physical capital. And it diverts scarce public resources toward health and security spending — limiting the capacity of government institutions to finance and carry out other critical functions, and often crowding out public investment in human development. In effect, crime, violence, and insecurity can stunt countries’ social, economic, and political growth, rendering them vulnerable to stagnation and decay. If left unchallenged, crime and insecurity can prevent these societies from realizing their full developmental and economic potential. The relationship between violence and development is complicated. Across the world, however, several trends are clear: Countries with lower levels of income inequality and unemployment have lower homicide rates. Meanwhile, countries with higher growth rates have lower crime rates overall — both violent crime and property crime. Furthermore, studies have found a global correlation (though causation cannot be inferred) between relatively high rates of homicidal violence and failure to achieve progress on certain Millennium Development Goals, namely: eradicating extreme poverty, youth unemployment, and hunger; improving primary school enrollment ratios; and reducing infant mortality and adolescent birth rates. Overall, during the period from 1990 to 2008, countries with lower average homicide rates had an 11 percent higher chance of improving their standing in the United Nations’ Human Development Index — a composite measure of social and economic development — than those with higher homicide rates. Details: Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center, Migration Policy Institute, 2012. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 25, 2013 at: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/pubs/RMSG-PayingforCrime.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America URL: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/pubs/RMSG-PayingforCrime.pdf Shelf Number: 127406 Keywords: HomicidesPovertyViolence (Mexico and Central America)Violent Crime |
Author: Sandbrook, Chris Title: Linking Conservation and Poverty Alleviation: the case of Great Apes An overview of current policy and practice in Africa Summary: The International Institute for Environment and Development IIED has coordinated an international network of conservation, development and indigenous/local community rights organisations who are interested in improving their understanding of, and sharing their experience in, the links between biodiversity conservation and poverty reduction. The Poverty and Conservation Learning Group (PCLG) works by collecting, analysing and disseminating information that can help shape better policy and practice – through its web portal (www.povertyandconservation.info), through workshops and symposia, and through occasional publications. Since 2009 the PCLG has received additional support from the Arcus Foundation to help achieve three goals: 1. To promote ongoing learning and dialogue on poverty-conservation linkages at the international level. 2. To increase attention to mainstreaming poverty concerns within conservation policy and programmes – particularly at the national level – and to build better and stronger linkages with existing initiatives that are focusing on development policy. 3. To introduce a great ape component to PCLG - by including ape-specific elements within our core networking and information dissemination activities and by focusing our mainstreaming efforts on conservation policies, programmes and locations that are relevant to great ape conservation. This report is the third PCLG output supported by the Arcus Foundation grant. The purpose of this report is to document current efforts to link great ape conservation and poverty reduction in the African, ape range states. It is intended to provide a quick inventory of which organisations are working in which countries and using which approaches in order to highlight potential areas of collaboration and/or potential sources of experience and lessons learned. It is also intended to highlight other initiatives that are intended to link environmental management with social concerns - poverty reduction, governance, economic development - with a view to encouraging greater linkages between these initiatives and those that are focussed on conservation. Following this report we are planning the following activities: 1) A learning event for ape conservation organisations to share experiences on their attempts to link conservation and poverty reduction. This would improve their effectiveness and efficiency, where so many conservation organisations still carry out development oriented interventions uninformed by previous experiences elsewhere, both good and bad. 2) South-South learning exchanges / events around key issues where knowledge gaps are the major problem. Examples emerging include (i) experience of other species-based programmes in addressing poverty reduction; (ii) community-based monitoring approaches;, (iiii) human wildlife conflict mitigation strategies and experiences with compensation, and (iv) REDD / carbon mechanisms that accommodate biodiversity conservation and poverty alleviation. 3) Establishment of multi-stakeholder learning groups in selected countries, potentially building on existing groups where there is interest, and using models of good practice. These might include the IIED-supported Forest Governance Learning Groups (FGLG) and Environmental Mainstreaming Learning and Leadership Groups. 4) Facilitating a high-level workshop in at least one country to encourage mainstreaming of biodiversity into development policy / practice – in coordination with the UNDP/UNEP Poverty Environment Initiative. Details: The Poverty and Conservation Learning Group, 21010. 94p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed march 23, 2013 at: http://pubs.iied.org/pdfs/G02770.pdf Year: 1010 Country: Africa URL: http://pubs.iied.org/pdfs/G02770.pdf Shelf Number: 128104 Keywords: BiodiversityGreat ApesNatural ResourcesPovertyWildlife Conservation (Africa) |
Author: Mesoy, Atle Title: Poverty and Radicalisation into Violent Extremism: A Causal Link? Summary: The consensus in past research into terrorism and radicalisation into violent extremism (RVE) is that generally there is no link between poverty and radicalisation, and if such a link exists, it is a weak one. However, insufficient attention has been paid to how terrorism has changed over the last few years to become a phenomenon that frequently occurs in weak, conflict-ridden states. In these states, poverty seems to play an essential role especially with regard to the motivation of suicide bombers. In the case of Pakistan, a current hotbed of terrorism, little research has been done on this issue and what little research that has been conducted points in opposite directions. However, more recent research has concluded that RVE and terrorism have to be researched in each country/area where terrorism exists and conclusions cannot be generalised to all countries. There is reason to believe that there is a causal link between poverty and RVE, especially in countries such as Pakistan, where there are high levels of poverty and militant groups both recruit and supply social services, and where poverty-stricken young men have few livelihood options other than that of joining a militant group. Details: Oslo: Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Center, 2013. 6p. Source: Internet Resource: NOREF Expert Analysis: Accessed April 4, 2013 at: http://www.peacebuilding.no/var/ezflow_site/storage/original/application/e60a8a679f48427d592a1906daf569d4.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Pakistan URL: http://www.peacebuilding.no/var/ezflow_site/storage/original/application/e60a8a679f48427d592a1906daf569d4.pdf Shelf Number: 128212 Keywords: Economic Conditions and CrimePovertyRadical Groups (Pakistan)RadicalizationTerrorismTerroristsViolent Extremism |
Author: Ishizuka, Katie Title: Fostering Change: How Investing In D.C.’s Child Welfare System Can Keep Kids Out of the Prison Pipeline Summary: Fostering Change: How Investing In D.C.’s Child Welfare System Can Keep Kids Out of the Prison Pipeline looks at the need for robust community investments to increase public safety and youth outcomes in areas such as Wards 5, 7 and 8, which are majority African American having also the highest rate of children living below the poverty line and in foster care. The District has one of the highest incarceration rates in the country, which has direct and long-term implications on the city’s youth. Parental incarceration is now the third highest reason for child welfare system involvement in the District, following neglect and abuse. The community and family impacts of mass incarceration are disproportionately prevalent among African-American children and children of parents with low levels of educational attainment. Nationally, African-American children are three times more likely than Latino children and seven times more likely than white children to have a parent in prison and incarcerated parents tend to face significant barriers to retaining their parental rights. Fostering Change is the fourth and last in a series of research briefs that shows reducing harm to children in the home, strengthening families, and investing in systems that support children who are abused and neglected should be part of a comprehensive public safety strategy in the District. Details: Washington, DC: Justice Policy Institute, 2013. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 9, 2013 at: http://www.justicepolicy.org/uploads/justicepolicy/documents/fostering_change.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.justicepolicy.org/uploads/justicepolicy/documents/fostering_change.pdf Shelf Number: 128331 Keywords: Child Welfare SystemsChildren of PrisonersDelinquency PreventionFamilies of InmatesFoster Care (Washington, D.C.)Poverty |
Author: Tacoli, Cecilia Title: Urbanization, Gender and Urban Poverty: Paid Work and Unpaid Carework in the City Summary: The majority of the world’s population now live in urban centres, which will also absorb virtually all population growth in the next century. Urbanisation involves major shifts in the ways people work and live, and offers unprecedented opportunities for improved standards of living, higher life expectancy and higher literacy levels, as well as better environmental sustainability and a more efficient use of increasingly scarce natural resources. For women, urbanisation is associated with greater access to employment opportunities, lower fertility levels and increased independence. However, urbanisation does not necessarily result in a more equitable distribution of wealth and wellbeing. In many low and middle income nations, urban poverty is growing compared to rural poverty. Specific aspects differentiate urban poverty from rural poverty. While urban residents are more dependent on cash incomes to meet their essential needs, income poverty is compounded by inadequate and expensive accommodation, limited access to basic infrastructure and services, exposure to environmental hazards and high rates of crime and violence. This gives urban poverty a distinctive gendered dimension as it puts a disproportionate burden on those members of communities and households who are responsible for unpaid carework such as cleaning, cooking and looking after children, the sick and the elderly. At the same time, cashbased urban economies mean that poor women are compelled, often from a very young age, to also engage in paid activities. In many instances this involves work in the lowest-paid formal and informal sector activities which, at times of economic crises, require increasingly long hours for the same income. Combined with cuts in the public provision of services, higher costs for food, water and transport, efforts to balance paid work and unpaid carework take a growing toll on women. A gendered perspective of urban poverty reveals the significance of non-income dimensions such as time poverty. It also highlights fundamental issues of equality and social justice by showing how women’s unequal position in the urban labour market, their limited ability to secure assets independently from male relatives and their greater exposure to violence. Section 1 of this paper summarises current understandings of urban poverty and their gender implications. Section 2 then examines the demographic consequences of urbanization on fertility, rural–urban migration and sex ratios and how this affects the form and organisation of households. Section 3 describes the context and consequences of women’s’ growing participation in urban labour markets, with special attention to the sectors where women concentrate: the urban informal sector and domestic service. Section 4 on shelter and services shows how gendered disadvantage exacerbates the already difficult living conditions of the urban poor. This is further explored in Section 5 on gender-based violence and its links with urbanization and urban life. The conclusion draws on current debates on the ‘feminisation of poverty’ and time poverty to examine their contribution to the broader understanding of both gendered disadvantage and urban poverty. Details: London: Human Settlements Group, International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED); New York: Population and Development Branch, United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), 2012. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Urbanization and Emerging Population Issues Working Paper 7: Accessed Year: 2012 Country: International URL: Shelf Number: 128598 Keywords: Gender-Based ViolencePovertyUrban AreasViolence Against Women |
Author: Lindo, Jason M. Title: Economic Conditions and Child Abuse Summary: Although a huge literature spanning several disciplines documents an association between poverty and child abuse, researchers have not found persuasive evidence that economic downturns increase abuse, despite their impacts on family income. In this paper, we address this seeming contradiction. Using county-level child abuse data spanning 1996 to 2009 from the California Department of Justice, we estimate the extent to which a county's reported abuse rate diverges from its trend when its economic conditions diverge from trend, controlling for statewide annual shocks. The results of this analysis indicate that overall measures of economic conditions are not strongly related to rates of abuse. However, focusing on overall measures of economic conditions masks strong opposing effects of economic conditions facing males and females: male layoffs increase rates of abuse whereas female layoffs reduce rates of abuse. These results are consistent with a theoretical framework that builds on family-time-use models and emphasizes differential risks of abuse associated with a child's time spent with different caregivers. Details: Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2013. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: NBER Working Paper No. 18994: Accessed May 4, 2013 at: http://www.nber.org/papers/w18994 Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.nber.org/papers/w18994 Shelf Number: 128663 Keywords: Child Abuse and Neglect (U.S.)Child MaltreatmentEconomics and CrimePoverty |
Author: International Labour Organization Title: World Report on Child Labour: Economic vulnerability, social protection and the fight against child labour Summary: This new report is the first in a series to be published annually by the ILO’s International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour. It brings together research on child labour and social protection, identifying policies that are designed to achieve multiple social goals. It discusses the role of poverty and economic shocks in rendering households vulnerable to child labour and considers the impact on child labour of cash transfers, public employment programmes, social insurance and other social protection initiatives as they have been implemented around the world. The report distils a broad range of research in economic and social policy and should be of interest to those looking for ways to combat poverty in the present and reduce its burden on the next generation. Details: Geneva, SWIT: International Labour Organizations, 2013. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 13, 2013 at: http://www.ilo.org/washington/WCMS_178184/lang--en/index.htm Year: 2013 Country: International URL: http://www.ilo.org/washington/WCMS_178184/lang--en/index.htm Shelf Number: 128718 Keywords: Child Labor (International)Child MaltreatmentChild ProtectionEconomicsPoverty |
Author: Rudqvist, Anders, ed. Title: Breeding Inequality – Reaping Violence Exploring Linkages and Causality in Colombia and Beyond Summary: This report is based on a series of seminars organized by Colombia Forum, a policy research and support programme carried out at the Collegium for Development Studies. The programme is supported by and collaborates with Sida´s Department for Latin America. The objectives of Colombia Forum are to stimulate and support the coordination of education, research and policy analysis related to Colombian social development, conflicts, peace-building efforts and development cooperation in Sweden and Colombia. The programme also seeks to facilitate development practitioners’ access to research resources, and to assist Swedish researchers to become directly engaged in studies and practice related to socio-economic analysis and development practice focused on Colombia. Against the background of mounting poverty, deep-seated social contradictions and an escalating internal conflict, Colombian and other social scientists try to explain the present situation – and discuss the construction of sustainable peace with social justice – making use of concepts such as poverty, inequality and character of the prevailing political system. The first article of the report, Popular Participation in Colombia by Anders Rudqvist, is intended to provide a background presentation of Colombia. It is a broad account of the development and character of the Colombian society with particular reference to popular participation. Also at a general and broad level, but specifically focusing on the concepts of poverty and conflict, is Björn Hettne’s Poverty and Conflict: the Methodology of a Complex Relationship. Hettne’s article is a presentation and analysis of varying interpretations of the poverty and violence concepts and their interrelation as understood in the context of different theoretical approaches, i.e. the positivist, the political economy, the holistic-historicist and the complex emergencies. The theoretical and policy consequences of these approaches are explored with regard to conflict provention and prevention, external interventions, conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction. In his Reflections on Recent Interpretations of Violence in Colombia, Pedro Valenzuela undertakes an analysis of the evolution of the debate on poverty and violence in Colombia. Some recent interpretations inspired by positivist and economic theoretical approaches are scrutinized and called into question, while the importance of inequality as a factor explaining and specifying the relationship between poverty and violence in the Colombian case is underscored. Poverty – particularly as expressed in inequality or social, economic and political exclusion – is viewed by many as a structural cause of violence and conflict. But other factors such as the character of political regimes and institutions, or more long-term historical processes, are also seen as key elements in the analysis of conflict and violence. Violence and poverty are thus multifaceted social phenomena. Different categories of conflicts and contradictions lead to various forms of violence. Political, economic and social violence usually occurs where obtaining or maintaining political, economic and social power is at stake. In addition, many analysts suggest that important reinforcing links exist between the dynamics of different types of violence. These issues and linkages remain important and valid beyond a particular country or continent. Patterns may vary, but links between different types of violence seem to be present in most cases. Colombia has traditionally experienced high levels of economic and social violence, now aggravated by increasing political violence involving guerrilla, paramilitary groups and the army. Currently about 20 percent of Colombian homicides are ascribed to political violence. In Central America, economic and social violence levels were moderate before the period of armed political conflicts and subsequent peace accords. Yet, after peace agreements the Central American countries experienced a significant increase in economic violence. Similar patterns appear in Africa (e.g. South Africa, Angola) as well as in Asia, where the most recent and dramatic example is Afghanistan. The final two articles draw on examples from and comparisons with Central America. They are dealing with poor and excluded communities and with the linkages between different categories of violence, but do so from the vantage point of economic and social violence. Economic violence here implies drug trafficking, youth gang activities and other forms of organized crime, while social violence refers to “domestic” conflicts and aggression caused by unequal gender relations or other social factors. The Shape of Violence: Reflections on the Guatemalan Revolution by Staffan Löfving departs from the prevailing Guatemalan assumption that poverty is violence – structural violence to be more exact. The article deals with the ways in which the relationship between poverty and political violence has been analysed in the writings on the Guatemalan internal war and contends that the politics of identity (as political praxis and academic approach) as well as the post-modernist focus on ethnic revival tend to obscure the responsibility of the state for the formation and maintenance of oppressive social structures. When Western analysts increasingly perceive the social reality of the war torn parts of the Third World as “chaos” it becomes increasingly more difficult to identify the key causes of poverty as well as the social forces and actors that have the power to alleviate or maintain poverty and human suffering. As a consequence poverty becomes disconnected from the analytical domain of violence. Youth Gangs in Colombia and Nicaragua – New Forms of Violence, New Theoretical Directions? by Dennis Rodgers is a comparative analysis of the structure and dynamic of youth gangs in Colombia and Nicaragua, relating the emergence and expansion of this type of economic violence to other categories of violence as well as to processes of “demilitarisation” and “democratisation” which have marked Latin America in recent years. Youth gangs in Colombia and Nicaragua are seen as representing similar forms of structuring, intimately linked to wider contexts of crises and breakdown that characterize both Colombia and Nicaragua. Conventional instrumentalist and functional approaches to violence are ill adapted, Rogers argues, to explain such phenomena and processes. Some elements and concepts, such as “insurgent citizenship”, are put forward instead, as a contribution to a move in a new theoretical direction. Details: Uppsala, Sweden: Collegium for Development Studies, 2003. 141p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 22, 2013 at: http://www.kus.uu.se/pdf/publications/outlook_development/outlook18.pdf Year: 2003 Country: Central America URL: http://www.kus.uu.se/pdf/publications/outlook_development/outlook18.pdf Shelf Number: 129126 Keywords: PovertySocioeconomic VariablesViolence (Central America)Youth Gangs |
Author: Monteiro, Joana Title: Drug Battles and School Achievement: Evidence from Rio de Janeiro's Favelas Summary: This paper examines the effects of armed conficts between drug gangs in Rio de Janeiro's favelas on student achievement. To identify the causal effect of violence on education, we explore variation in violence that occurs across time and space when gangs battle over territories. The evidence indicates that these battles are triggered by factors often exogenous to local socioeconomic conditions, such as the imprisonment or release of a gang leader, betrayals and revenge. Within-school estimates indicate that students from schools exposed to violence score less in math exams. The effect of violence increases with conflict intensity, duration, and proximity to exam dates; and decreases with the distance between the school and the conflict location. There is no evidence that the effect of violence persists for more than one year. Finally, we find that school supply is an important mechanism driving the achievement results; armed conflicts are significantly associated with higher teacher absenteeism, principal turnover, and temporary school closings. Details: Rio de Janeiro: Brazilian Institute of Economics: 2013. 69p. Source: Internet Resource: Discussion Paper 006: Accessed June 28, 2013 at: http://www.ie.ufrj.br/images/pesquisa/publicacoes/2013/TD_IE_006_2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.ie.ufrj.br/images/pesquisa/publicacoes/2013/TD_IE_006_2013.pdf Shelf Number: 129191 Keywords: Drug GangsDrug TraffickingDrug ViolenceEducationFavelasPovertySlums (Brazil)Socioeconomic Conditions |
Author: Wynd, Donna Title: Child Abuse: What Role Does Poverty Play? Summary: Child abuse (maltreatment and neglect) has received a great deal of public attention since the release of the government’s Green Paper for Vulnerable Children (New Zealand Government, 2011). There is reason to be concerned: New Zealand children’s mortality rates from intentional injury almost doubled over the 1980s, and have improved little since then (Craig & et al, 2011, p. 59; 2012, p. 56). In 2003 UNICEF reported that New Zealand ranked third highest amongst rich nations for its child maltreatment death rates (UNICEF, 2003). There is now a substantial body of research, including New Zealand research, showing the association between poverty and deprivation, and child maltreatment and neglect. Much of this work emphasises the complexity and multiplicity of risk factors in child abuse, and the equally complex mix of protective factors that can change outcomes for children. However current policy responses to the tragedy of New Zealand’s child abuse are focused not on dealing with the causes of abuse but on reporting and monitoring, and risk assessment. The maltreatment and neglect of children matter because they cause harm to children at the time of the abuse and long afterwards. There is now a substantial body of research linking child abuse with poor outcomes in childhood and/or into adolescence and later life. Consequences of maltreatment, including psychological abuse and neglect, can be physical and/or psychological and these effects cannot always be separated from each other (for example brain damage can lead to behavioural problems). Other consequences for victims may include an increased likelihood of smoking, obesity, high-risk sexual behaviours, unintended pregnancy, alcohol and drug use, fear, isolation, an inability to trust others, low self-esteem, depression and difficulties forming and maintaining relationships. In addition, It is estimated approximately one-third of abused and neglected children will eventually victimise their own children (Child Welfare Information Gateway, 2008a). Yet the paramount reason that child abuse is unacceptable is because it violates their human rights as children. Present and future social and economic costs are not the only – nor even the main – reason child maltreatment and neglect should be of concern to the government and public. As a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCROC), New Zealand has a legal obligation to protect and promote children’s rights to provision, protection and participation. A great deal of research has gone into determining the risk factors for child maltreatment and neglect, and a broad range of factors is recognized including the child him/herself, caregivers, the family, neighbourhoods and social settings, social and economic policy settings, and the dynamics and relationships between these actors. A consistent theme in the formal research is the role of poverty in child maltreatment and neglect. The association between child abuse and poverty is reflected in New Zealand data. Rates of hospital admissions for assault, neglect and maltreatment were significantly higher for the most deprived two deciles of New Zealand’s population. Rates of poverty for Māori and Pacific people are consistently double that of European/Pakeha people, regardless of which measure is used (Perry, 2012, p. 118), and Māori and Pacific children were 3.24 and 2.26 times respectively more likely to be admitted to hospital for intentional injuries than European children between 2000-2011 (Craig & et al, 2012, pp. 56-60). A 2000 literature review published by the then Ministry of Social Policy on the physical abuse and neglect of children by family members noted the role of poverty and the role of individuals’ and families’ ability to cope with economic and other stress (Angus & Pilott, 2000). Details: Auckland, NZ: Child Poverty Action Group Inc., 2013. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 1, 2013 at: http://www.cpag.org.nz/assets/Publications/130610%20CPAG%20Child%20Abuse%20Report%201%20June%202013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: New Zealand URL: http://www.cpag.org.nz/assets/Publications/130610%20CPAG%20Child%20Abuse%20Report%201%20June%202013.pdf Shelf Number: 129214 Keywords: Child Abuse and Neglect (New Zealand)Child MaltreatmentPoverty |
Author: Sweden. Ministry for Foreign Affairs Title: Poverty and Trafficking in Human Beings: A strategy for combating trafficking in human beings through Swedish international development cooperation Summary: Although trafficking in human beings is not a new problem, it appears to have expanded in many parts of the world and assumed an increasingly global character. In recent years, the problem has attracted growing international attention. Trafficking in human beings is to a large extent a symptom of relative and absolute poverty. It is also a consequence of gender inequality and lack of respect for children’s rights. The overall goal of Swedish development cooperation is to raise the living standards of poor people. The overall objectives of cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe are to promote sustainable development and deeper integration and partnership in the Baltic Sea region and its environs. Enhancing democracy, reducing social injustice and promoting gender equality are all subgoals of Swedish development cooperation. Progress in these areas can greatly advance efforts to eliminate poverty, further closer integration and promote sustainable development. More specific interim objectives are set out in the Millennium Declaration adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 2000. The Swedish parliamentary committee, Globkom, has submitted its recommendations on the future scope and direction of Sweden’s global development policies, and a government bill is expected in the spring of 2003. The committee’s report addresses the question of global social justice and considers ways in which this can be promoted via different policy areas. It also seeks to show that social justice policies can be based on and integrate a poverty and human rights perspective. Trafficking in human beings is an increasingly global problem and must be seen in this development policy perspective. It illustrates the need for close accord between policy areas and cross-border measures. The United Nations (UN) Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and its Protocol on Trafficking in Human Beings define human trafficking as “the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation.” It is a serious crime that not only violates the dignity of the individual but also infringes a number of human rights. Under the terms of human rights instruments currently in force, governments are responsible for protecting people against human trafficking. The governments of the countries of origin, all transit countries and final destination countries respectively are directly responsible for implementing the necessary measures to prevent and fight human trafficking, protect the victims and provide adequate support. Collaboration between countries is essential and the international community must assist. Here, Swedish development cooperation has a task to fulfil. Sweden’s commitment to combating human trafficking – at home in Sweden, in the European Union (EU) or elsewhere in the world – has grown rapidly in recent years. It is pursued in various policy areas and focuses primarily on transnational organised crime, poverty reduction, social security, economic development, migration, gender equality and child protection. A number of ministries, authorities and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Sweden are actively engaged in combating human trafficking and supporting its victims. Sweden extends support for measures, projects and programmes to fight human trafficking in Central and Eastern Europe, the Western Balkans, South and Southeast Asia and West Africa. It has initiated joint measures against trafficking as part of EU regional cooperation with Asia. This initiative was served as a catalyst for the further development of Swedish foreign policy in this area. Regional cooperation has also been initiated in connection with the current dialogue between the EU and Africa. Strengthening continued efforts by Sweden to combat human trafficking in the context of international development cooperation and ensuring a long-term focus on and institutional support for this task are predicated on the existence of a coherent strategy and effective guidelines. The present strategy is based on measures designed to fight all forms of human trafficking while focusing particularly on women and children, and on the most common and nefarious forms of exploitation, such as sexual exploitation, forced labour or services and hazardous child labour. It is based on a problem inventory, an analysis of causes and needs, previous experience and Sweden’s own resources and capabilities. It is intended for use by the Government Offices, the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) and other authorities active in this area in connection with their development cooperation work. Details: Stockholm: Ministry for Foreign Affairs, 2004. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 3, 2013 at: http://www.regeringen.se/sb/d/574/a/20262 Year: 2004 Country: Sweden URL: http://www.regeringen.se/sb/d/574/a/20262 Shelf Number: 129255 Keywords: Human Trafficking (Sweden)PovertySocioeconomic Status |
Author: Sahni, Rohini Title: Sex Work and its Linkages with Informal Labour Markets in India Summary: Based on the results of the First Pan India Survey of Female Sex Workers (n=3000), this paper positions sex work within the broader spectrum of informal labour markets that women engage with in India. It puts forth an important dimension missing so far in sex work studies in India – of sex workers with prior or simultaneous labour market work experience. Informal labour markets act as important sites/junctures linking poverty with sex work. For a substantial proportion of respondents, sex work was not their first experience of paid work. In the face of poverty and an early quest for livelihoods, they were pushed into informal labour activities, characterised by low, sticky wages and imminent possibilities of abuse. Placed in this context, their later entry into sex work emerges with a strong economic rationale and agency, as a deliberate, calculated choice offering higher incomes. Details: Brighton, UK: Institute of Development Studies, 2013. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: IDS Working Paper Volume 2013, No. 416: Accessed July 6, 2013 at: http://www.ids.ac.uk/files/dmfile/Wp416.pdf Year: 2013 Country: India URL: http://www.ids.ac.uk/files/dmfile/Wp416.pdf Shelf Number: 126264 Keywords: PovertyProstitutesProstitutionSex Workers (India)Socioeconomic Status |
Author: Jacobson, Mireille Title: Breaking the Net: Family Structure and Street Children in Zambia Summary: The safety net provided by the African extended family has traditionally been the basis for the assertion that “there is no such thing as an orphan in Africa” (Foster 2000). The assumption is that even families lacking sufficient resources to properly care for existing members are predisposed to take in orphans. Chronic poverty, coupled with an increasing malaria burden and the HIV/AIDS pandemic, has put this safety-net under severe strain, giving rise to an increasing number of orphans and vulnerable children and, in the extreme, to “street children.” Drawing on original fieldwork in the slums of Ndola in Northern Zambia we study the role of family structure in caring for vulnerable children. We try to isolate those features of a child’s nuclear and extended family that put him most at risk of ending up on the streets. We find that older, male children and particularly orphaned children are more likely to wind up on the street. Families with a male household head who is in poor health are more likely to originate street children. The educational level, age and employment status of the male head of household has little impact on the likelihood the family is associated with a child who has taken to the street. In contrast, households with surviving maternal grandparents or with a male head who has many sisters are significantly less likely to originate street children. These findings support the critical role that women play in poor countries, highlighting the importance of policies aimed at empowering women. At the same time, our findings show that policies aimed at improving the health of the male head of household can also yield important benefits. A back-of-the-envelope calculation suggests that moving male heads from poor to good self-rated health status can increase the rate of GDP growth by as much as 0.20 to 0.33 of a percentage point per year. Details: Manchester, UK: University of Manchester, Brooks World Poverty institute, 2010. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: BWPI Working Paper 111: Accessed July 9, 2013 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1590922 Year: 2010 Country: Zambia URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1590922 Shelf Number: 129334 Keywords: PovertyStreet Children (Zambia) |
Author: Rodriguez, Alfredo Title: Understanding the Tipping Point of Urban Conflict: The Case of Santiago, Chile Summary: This working paper presents the results of the research project on Understanding the tipping point of urban conflict: violence, cities and poverty reduction in the developing world, undertaken in Santiago, Chile. The paper consists of two sections: the city profile and the sub-city study. The city profile uses secondary sources and is structured in two chapters. Chapter 1 presents changes in the city’s structure that have developed over the last 40 years, identifying the tipping points that have marked the process of neoliberal urban development. Chapter 2 establishes what is understood by ‘violence’ and offers an analysis of the types and categories of urban violence in Santiago. The sub-city study, Chapter 3, is presented in the second section of this working paper. This chapter describes results of the Participatory Violence Appraisal methodology applied in three urban areas of Santiago. The sub-city study identifies violence-related problems that affect women and men both in public places and in the home, tipping points and violence chains at the sub-city level, as well as institutions linked to violence in the three areas. The sub-city study highlighted the fact that all three city areas evidence manifestations of direct violence that are economic, socio-economic and social in nature. Participants reported the existence of violence against people as well as violence against property. However, when asked about the causes of these violence-related problems, all of them ventured explanations revealing the existence of a much deeper and widespread problem rooted in structural violence and legitimated by cultural violence. This reality is clearly demonstrated by the three case studies. Details: Manchester, UK: Urban Tipping Point, University of Manchester, 2012. 90p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper # 3: Accessed July 10, 2013 at: http://www.urbantippingpoint.org/documents/Working%20Papers/WP3_Santiago.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Chile URL: http://www.urbantippingpoint.org/documents/Working%20Papers/WP3_Santiago.pdf Shelf Number: 129348 Keywords: PovertyPublic SpaceUrban CrimeViolenceViolent Crime (Chile) |
Author: Rodgers, Dennis Title: Understanding the Tipping Point of Urban Conflict: The Case of Patna, India Summary: This report synthesizes the results of research into the dynamics of urban violence in Patna, the capital of the Indian state of Bihar. It contributes to a broader comparative research project on “Understanding the Tipping Point of Urban Conflict: Violence, Cities, and Poverty Reduction in the Developing World”, funded by a grant from the ESRC/DFID Joint Scheme for Research on International Development, and based at the University of Manchester, UK. The “Urban Tipping Point” (UTP) project is made up of four city case studies across Africa, Asia, and Latin America: Nairobi in Kenya, Dili in Timor Leste, Patna in India, and Santiago in Chile. These cities were chosen partly because the broader existing literature on urban violence suggests that it is a phenomenon that can be linked to the presence of certain specific factors in cities. In particular, high levels of persistent urban poverty, youth bulges, political exclusion, and gender-based insecurity have all been widely put forward as such factors in recent years, and the four cities chosen for the UTP study are each paradigmatically associated with one of these factors – Nairobi with political exclusion, Dili with youth bulges, Patna with poverty, and Santiago with gender-based insecurity. At the same time, the four cities were also chosen because their levels of violence vary significantly, with Nairobi and Dili displaying high levels of violence, Santiago reporting high levels of violence against women within the context of generally low levels of violence, while Patna is reputed to have witnessed a significant decline in violence. This mix of fully and partially positive and negative cases was deemed ideal to explore the multiple ways in which a given factor might or might not lead to violence. This report comprises four sections. The first provides a brief overview of the general UTP conceptual framework, establishing the basic research premises and explaining how Patna fits as a case study within the broader project. The second section is a “city profile” offering basic background information concerning Patna’s historical, spatial, demographic, social, economic, and political dynamics. It also offers an overview of the city’s violence trends, focusing specifically on crime, and drawing on media reports as well as official government and Patna Police statistics. The third section details the results of local-level mixed qualitative and quantitative primary research carried out in four different slums in Patna between April and July 2011. It begins by laying out the logic of case study selection within the city, as well as the general methodological approach adopted. Background information on the four research sites selected is then provided, followed by a general consideration of key trends concerning the dynamics of conflict and violence in Patna. Details: Manchester, UK: Urban Tipping Point, University of Manchester, 2012. 87p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper #5: Accessed July 10, 2013 at: http://www.urbantippingpoint.org/documents/Working%20Papers/WP5_Patna.pdf Year: 2012 Country: India URL: http://www.urbantippingpoint.org/documents/Working%20Papers/WP5_Patna.pdf Shelf Number: 129350 Keywords: PovertyUrban CrimeViolence (India) |
Author: Moser, Caroline Title: Understanding the Tipping Point of Urban Conflict: Global Policy Report Summary: The purpose of this Global Policy Report is to provide general policy recommendations from the four city studies undertaken for the research project Understanding the Tipping Point of Urban Conflict: Violence, Cities, and Poverty Reduction in the Development World (UTP), carried out by the University of Manchester in collaboration with partner institutions in Kenya, India, Chile and Switzerland. The project, which runs from 1 September 2010 to 31 August 2012, is funded by an award from the ESRC/DFID Joint Scheme for Research on International Development (Poverty Alleviation). This report starts by briefly summarising the background to the project, its objectives, conceptual framework, rationale for case study selection, and methodology. It then discusses the key findings by city, before turning to comparative policy recommendations. The report draws on documents produced during the course of the research project, including city profiles, sub-city findings, and city-level policy briefs. Details: Manchester, UK: Urban Tipping Point, University of Manchester, 2012. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper #7: Accessed July 10, 2013 at: http://www.urbantippingpoint.org/documents/Working%20Papers/WP7_GlobalPolicyReport.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.urbantippingpoint.org/documents/Working%20Papers/WP7_GlobalPolicyReport.pdf Shelf Number: 129352 Keywords: PovertyUrban AreasViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: O'Grady, Bill Title: Can I See Your ID? The Policing of Youth Homelessness in Toronto Summary: Homelessness, and its visibility, is back in the news in Toronto. Concerns about the scourge of panhandling have once again surfaced in local media with city councillors regularly weighing in on the ‘problem’. With little evidence that there is a dramatic increase in the numbers of people sleeping in parks or ‘aggressively’ panhandling on sidewalks, calls are once again being made for a law and order response to address this highly visible manifestation of urban poverty; to crack down on homelessness with tougher laws and stricter enforcement. All of this raises important questions about how we respond to homelessness in Canada. What does it say about Canadians when popular thought suggests that the appropriate way to address the problem of homelessness is through law enforcement? Is the use of police in dealing with people who are homeless as much a part of the Canadian response to homelessness as is the provision of shelter beds, soup kitchens and street outreach? And perhaps most importantly, what is the impact of a law and order approach to homelessness on the lives of people who experience such extreme poverty? This report sets out to document the criminalization of homelessness in Canada by exploring the relationship between homeless persons – in particular, street youth - and law enforcement officials (both the police and private security). Drawing from over 240 interviews with street youth in Toronto in 2009, as well as a review of official statistics on Ontario Safe Streets Act tickets in Toronto over the past 11 years, we explore the ways in which homelessness has been criminalized through a law and order agenda. Effective policy should be informed by research, not developed as a response to moral panics. Our research raises serious questions about the use of law enforcement as a strategy to address the visibility of homelessness in Canada. Details: Toronto: Street Youth Legal Services, Justice for Children and Youth; Homeless Hub, 2011. 94p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 12, 2013 at: http://www.homelesshub.ca/ResourceFiles/CanISeeYourID_nov9.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Canada URL: http://www.homelesshub.ca/ResourceFiles/CanISeeYourID_nov9.pdf Shelf Number: 129619 Keywords: Homelessness (Canada)PanhandlingPolicing HomelessnessPovertyStreet YouthYouth Homelessness |
Author: Meloni, Osvaldo Title: Does Poverty Relief Spending Reduce Crime? Evidence from Argentina Summary: A large body of empirical research suggests that welfare spending reduces crime. Contrary to this dominant finding, a few recent studies conclude that there is no relationship between several measures of welfare spending and serious crime. This paper contributes to the debate using data from the largest poverty alleviation program launched by the Argentinean government to cope with the deleterious effects of the 2002 crisis featuring double-digit unemployment and half of the population below the poverty line. Province - level dynamic panel data reveals that the cash transfers program had a negative impact total crime although the effect was rather weak. The analyses of various types of crime show that the influence of the Argentine poverty relief spending was greater in Property Crimes than Crime against Persons, with the highest effect on larceny Details: Tucuman, Argentina: National University of Tucuman, 2012. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 11, 2013 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2128351 Year: 2012 Country: Argentina URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2128351 Shelf Number: 131622 Keywords: PovertySocioeconomic Conditions and Crime (Argentina)Unemployment and Crime Welfare |
Author: McDaniel, Marla Title: Imprisonment and Disenfranchisement of Disconnected Low-Income Men Summary: This brief, part of a series on disconnected low-income men, summarizes selected data from published reports on incarceration in the United States. Low-income men are defined as those age 18 to 44 who live in families with incomes below twice the federal poverty level (FPL)1 and do not have four-year college degrees. Other briefs in the series examine low-income men's demographic profiles, education, employment, and health. We present data on imprisonment, one component of criminal justice system involvement, highlighting stark disparities by race, education, and place. The statistics on criminal offenses and incarceration cited reflect changes in federal and state crime policies over the past few decades, especially those related to drug offenses. These policies have led to mass incarceration - that is, the imprisonment of comparatively and historically high proportions of the population that cannot be accounted for by changes in crime rates. The US Department of Justice is reviewing laws and agency enforcement policies that may have had a disparate impact on African Americans and Hispanics, both in terms of incarceration and the collateral damage to their families and communities. Some of these impacts are summarized in this brief. Young men of color are a particular focus because of their high rates of incarceration. While they are highly concentrated in poor neighborhoods, especially in urban areas, most available data are at the state and national level. Therefore, we mainly focus on state and national data that provide the most extensive documentation of the racial and ethnic aspects of incarceration. Since the criminal justice data generally do not include income of the prisoners' families, we are unable to identify the proportion of incarcerated men who are low income. To the extent that prisoners are separated from mainstream society, however, the men in focus are disconnected and afterward face challenges reconnecting to the mainstream. In addition to incarceration rates, we include state data on voting restrictions related to incarceration, a form of disconnection through civil disenfranchisement. We highlight examples of the economic impact of incarceration on individual communities and society as a whole. We consider both the costs of incarceration and the related family and community costs generated by that incarceration. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2013. 10p. Source: Internet Resource: Issue Brief 4: Accessed March 13, 2014 at: http://www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/412986-Imprisonment-and-Disenfranchisement-of-Disconnected-Low-Income-Men.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/412986-Imprisonment-and-Disenfranchisement-of-Disconnected-Low-Income-Men.pdf Shelf Number: 131897 Keywords: ImprisonmentPovertyRace and CrimeRacial DisparitiesSocioeconomic Status and Crime |
Author: Eventon, Ross Title: Eyes Wide Shut: Corruption and Drug-Related Violence in Rosario Summary: Drug trafficking is not a new phenomenon in the Argentinian city of Rosario. Since the 1990s, and largely under the public radar, the distribution of illicit drugs in the poor, peripheral neighbourhoods of the city has been managed by family-run gangs and small-time dealers; poverty and social marginalisation have facilitated the trade; young gang members, known as soldados, have fought over territory; local demand for illegal drugs has provided the engine; illicit profits have been laundered in collaboration with local lawyers and financial advisors; and corruption among the police and local officials has ensured that the main traffickers, while their identities are widely known, can operate with few concerns other than threats from rivals. This last element appears to explain why, until the issue was forced into the public domain, there had been a conspicuous lack of political concern with drug trafficking in the city. The change came on New Year's Day 2012. That day, three community activists were shot and killed in the Villa Moreno neighbourhood by gang members who mistook them for rivals. The killings were not unique, but the victims were: unlike the usual casualties, the activists had a movement behind them. Their deaths led to local demonstrations and calls for action. The press and local officials were suddenly impelled to pay attention to drug trafficking and related violence. Since then, a spate of official investigations has deepened public understanding of the nature of the drug trade in the city. They have also provided further evidence of the complicity of the security forces and the negligence of the state that have long been known to facilitate trafficking. Recommendations - Maintain the focus on the leadership of the most powerful and violent gangs, including following the money trail, and reverse the trend where simply increasing the number of security forces in violent areas is considered a sufficient policy response. - Re-focus the judiciary away from a two-tiered approach: recognize underage gang members as a vulnerable population, and that confronting the culture of violence will require special initiatives. - Root out corruption in the local and provincial security forces, recognise the way the state's approach facilitates this complicity, and produce more reliable statistics to better inform policymakers. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2013. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Briefing Series on Drug Markets and Violence, Nr 1: Accessed May 10, 2014 at: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/dmv1.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Argentina URL: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/dmv1.pdf Shelf Number: 132314 Keywords: CorruptionDrug TraffickingDrug-Related ViolenceGangsHomicidesIllegal DrugsPovertyViolent Crime |
Author: Ruteere, Mutuma Title: Missing the Point: Violence Reduction and Policy Misadventures in Nairobi's Poor Neighbourhoods Summary: Violence and crime are part of everyday life in many of Nairobi's poor urban neighbourhoods. While wealthier enclaves of the city are heavily guarded by private security firms, violence and protection provided through criminal organisations and vigilante groups has become commonplace in the poor neighbourhoods. The governments of both President Daniel arap Moi and his successor, Mwai Kibaki, over the years failed to measurably improve security for the urban poor. Rather, they reflected a narrow understanding of the problem as one of ordinary crime that can be stamped out with more robust policing measures. Given the complex drivers of violence in Nairobi, and the close associations between politics and violence in Kenya, a different approach is needed that addresses the underlying factors making the poor more vulnerable to violence, including their lack of access to basic services and economic opportunities. This report is organised as follows. The first section reviews existing data on welfare and violence in Nairobi's poor neighbourhoods and identifies key gaps in understanding. The second section unpacks official understandings of violence and crime, while the third examines various policy interventions to address violence in poor urban neighbourhoods and the limitations of these. The report concludes with practical proposals for a different approach to address and mitigate violence in Nairobi's poor neighbourhoods. Details: London: Institute of Development Studies, 2013. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Evidence Report No. 39: Accessed May 15, 2014 at: http://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/3192/ER39%20Final%20Online.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2013 Country: Kenya URL: http://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/3192/ER39%20Final%20Online.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 132357 Keywords: Neighborhoods and CrimePovertyViolence (Kenya)Violent Crime |
Author: Leiber, Michael J. Title: Race/Ethnicity, Juvenile Court Processing and Case Outcomes: Fluctuation or Stability? Summary: Sampson and Laub's (1993) perspective contends that community characteristics, especially underclass poverty and racial inequality, influence the social control of youth in juvenile justice proceedings. Structural factors are believed to enhance class and race stereotypes of the poor and Blacks as either criminals or drug offenders, but can also be characterized as sexual, aggressive, etc. In turn, these actual and/or perceived threats to middle class values result in the poor and Blacks being subjected to greater social control in communities evidencing impoverishment and racial inequality. An interpretation of the perspective is that the social control of youth, and especially minority youth, will fluctuate over time due to associations with and changes in the economic and racial/ethnic inequality of communities. The main objective of the present study was to use Sampson and Laub's structural theory of inequality to examine whether characteristics of communities explain the social control of youth in general but also focuses on potential racial/ethnic and drug offending disparities across White, Black, and Hispanic youth within juvenile justice proceedings. In anticipation of these possible relationships, an assessment was done to see to what extent these relationships vary or remain relatively stable over time, and if they are race and/or ethnic specific with drug offending. Data was provided by the National Juvenile Court Archive (NJCA) and represented county-level aggregated information for sixteen states involving 172 counties for over thirty years (1985, 1995, 2005, and 2009). Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression was used to predict the proportion of referrals petitioned, detained, received out-of-home placement, and change models to understand how changes in the independent variables over time influenced changes in the dependent variables over time. A second data set, also provided by NJCA, was used that represented individual-level data of all delinquent referrals in 67 counties in a Northeast state from January 2000 through December 2010. Legal variables (e.g. crime severity, prior record), extralegal considerations (e.g. gender, age), and decision-making at intake, adjudication, and judicial disposition were captured. Hierarchical generalized linear modeling (HGLM) was used to analyze the data for the purpose of simultaneously estimating the amount of variation of both the individual (level-1) and county (level-2) measures at three processing junctures. In addition to the estimation of main and interaction effects, cross-level interactions were also estimated to examine how youth from different racial/ethnic backgrounds are treated in the juvenile court depending on county of residence. In short, minimal to modest support was found for Sampson and Laub's (1993) perspective. Macro-level variables were at times found to be determinants of social control at each of the four time frames and to a somewhat greater extent in explaining case outcomes in the 67counties in a Northeast state. However, the effects were sporadic and not always in the predicted direction. In fact, underclass poverty and racial/ethnic inequality most often were not statistically significant determinants of social control. Limited evidence was also found for anticipated relationships between community characteristics and disadvantaged treatment of minorities and drug offenders. When community characteristics significantly impacted the treatment of Blacks, Hispanics, and/or drug offenders and decision-making, the effects at times resulted in leniency rather than greater social control. An examination of the results across thirty years showed, with a few exceptions, stability in the relationships rather than fluctuation or change. At the individual-level, Black drug offenders were subjected to greater social control at intake than other offenders. Hispanics and Hispanic drug offenders were also found to have a greater odds of being adjudicated compared to similarly situated Whites. At judicial disposition, Blacks and Hispanics had a greater likelihood of receiving the more severe outcome of out-home-placement compared to Whites. These effects were enhanced if a minority youth was charged with a drug offense. In addition, drug offenders and in particular, Black drug offenders and Hispanic drug offenders, were responded to differently throughout court proceedings than other types of offenders. The findings reported here indicate that underclass poverty and racial/ethnic inequality alone (or if at all) do not seem to account for these occurrences. Details: Final report to the U.S. National Institute of Justice, 2014. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 30, 2014 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/246229.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/246229.pdf Shelf Number: 132571 Keywords: Drug OffendersJuvenile Case ProcessingJuvenile CourtsJuvenile OffendersMinority OffendersPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeYouthful Offenders |
Author: Sullivan, Gary Title: Poor, Powerless and in Trouble with the Law: Achieving Just Outcomes through Problem-Solving Principles Summary: Serious criminal activity by professional criminals is a numerically small part of criminal behavior. It is not inconsequential but the criminal justice system is constructed as if it is central to its operation. To put it another way, the justice system is distorted by a focus in its systems and processes on exceptional crime. The system acknowledges the threat of punishment, and utilises due process, via the adversarial system. People charged have rights, but the elimination of serious crime is the aim. This is an understandable focus but ultimately unachievable. Serious organised crime will never be completely eliminated, and the bulk of the criminal justice system's work will be with high prevalence, unremarkable crime committed by the poor and powerless. The State is increasingly transferring minor matters from the traditional criminal courts into the inflexible infringements system. It imposes penalties without taking a person's circumstances into account. Rich and poor are fined the same amount for the same infraction. The infringements system therefore impacts more heavily on the poor. After more than 30 years working in a legal service in a poor community, I have provided legal advice and representation to countless individuals and several gen-erations of families, and participated in reform activities in tenancy law, credit law, the Children's Court of Victoria, the infringements system, consumer protection and police behaviour. I have also played a role in monitoring and improving the legal professional standards in community legal services. Over this period there have been significant changes in the nature of Australian society, welfare support mechanisms and legal systems. Apart from helping relatively few individuals among the poor and powerless, these changes have not had a major positive impact, and in some areas the impact is negative. Disproportionate to their numbers in the population, the poor and powerless continue to be gathered up in the justice system. Conditions of poverty generate a high incidence of low-level crime. This commonplace criminal activity is not adequately addressed. The relationship between poverty and crime is not so much ignored but tolerated in the justice system, reflecting a view that poverty is eternal and unchanging. Addressing this imbalance in the impact of the justice system on the poor and powerless requires a more comprehensive approach to rehabilitation that addresses the root cause of the criminality, while continuing to uphold a civil society. Such an approach, based on problem-solving principles, addresses the quiet desperation, chaotic lifestyles and multiple disadvantages that bring the poor and powerless into conflict with the broader community and the justice system. Details: Melbourne: Victoria Law Foundation, 2011. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: http://www.victorialawfoundation.org.au/images/stories/files/CLC_Report_2010-11(1).pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.victorialawfoundation.org.au/images/stories/files/CLC_Report_2010-11(1).pdf Shelf Number: 132589 Keywords: Assistance to the PoorIndigent DefenseLegal AidPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and Crime |
Author: Kennedy, Elizabeth Title: No Childhood Here: Why Central American Children are Fleeing their Homes Summary: Over a decade before President Barack Obama described the influx of unaccompanied child migrants to the United States as an "urgent humanitarian situation requiring a unified and coordinated Federal response," child and refugee advocates warned that children who shared experiences of years-long family separation, widespread violence in home countries, and higher rates of neglect and abuse were fleeing from South of our border in alarming numbers. Then as now, over 95 percent were from Mexico and the Central American nations of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. When these children were apprehended in the U.S., the Trafficking and Victim's Protection Reauthorization Act (TVPRA) required agents to ask limited and straightforward abuse questions. If the child was determined to be without a parent or legal guardian, s/he had to be transferred to Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) care within 72 hours. Yet, even though 8,000 to 40,000 unaccompanied child migrants were apprehended annually between 2003 and 2011, only 4,800 to 8,300 entered ORR"s care each year. A 2011 report by the Appleseed Foundation documented that most Mexican child migrants did not receive TVPRA screening and thus could not transition to ORR care. Instead, per an agreement between the Mexican and U.S. governments that Obama would like emulated among Central American countries, Mexican children were quickly deported. Nonetheless, those from indigenous areas or areas with high levels of drug violence were able to receive the "Unaccompanied Alien Child" (UAC) designation, alongside thousands from the three countries that make up the so-called Northern Triangle of Central America. In 2012, nearly 14,000 UAC entered ORR care, with 88 percent from the Northern Triangle. In 2013, over 24,000 arrived, with 93 percent from the same three nations. This year, as many as 60,000 could arrive, and while numbers from Mexico have declined, numbers from the Northern Triangle continue rising. What drives these children to flee their homes? What causes their parents to put them and their life's savings in the hands of smugglers? What happens if they fail to reach the U.S.? Since October 2013, with funding from a Fulbright Fellowship, I have lived in El Salvador and worked toward answering these questions through my research into the causes of child migration and the effects of child deportation (see appendix). Based on the evidence I collected and analyzed to date, violence, extreme poverty, and family reunification play important roles in pushing kids to leave their country of origin. In particular, crime, gang threats, or violence appear to be the strongest determinants for children's decision to emigrate. When asked why they left their home, 59 percent of Salvadoran boys and 61 percent of Salvadoran girls list one of those factors as a reason for their emigration. In some areas of El Salvador, however, extreme poverty is the most common reason why children decide to leave. This is particularly true for adolescent males, who hope to work half the day and study the other half in order to remit money to their families and help them move forward in life. In addition, one in three children cites family reunification as a primary reason for leaving home. Interestingly, over 90 percent of the children I interviewed have a family member in the US, with just over 50 percent having one or both parents there. Most referenced fear of crime and violence as the underlying motive for their decision to reunify with family now rather than two years in the past or two years in the future. Seemingly, the children and their families had decided they must leave and chose to go to where they had family, rather than chose to leave because they had family elsewhere. Essentially, if their family had been in Belize, Costa Rica, or another country, they would be going there instead. Details: Washington, DC: American Immigration Council, 2014. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 2, 2014 at: http://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/sites/default/files/docs/no_childhood_here_why_central_american_children_are_fleeing_their_homes_final.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Central America URL: http://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/sites/default/files/docs/no_childhood_here_why_central_american_children_are_fleeing_their_homes_final.pdf Shelf Number: 132610 Keywords: Child MigrantsPovertyUndocumented ChildrenViolence |
Author: Gupte, Jaideep Title: Understanding 'Urban Youth' and the Challenges they Face in Sub-Saharan Africa: Unemployment, Food Insecurity and Violent Crime Summary: Much of Africa is urbanising fast and its young population is projected to constitute the largest labour force in the world. While urbanisation can be linked closely with economic development, we also know that it is the least developed countries that have younger populations than the rest of the world. This duality implies that understanding the nature of risks and vulnerabilities faced by urban youth, how they are impacted by them, as well as how they respond to and may be resilient against them, continue to be important questions for furthering development in sub-Saharan Africa. A key conceptual debate surrounds how the category of 'youth' is understood, as several definitions of the term exist, ranging from age bands to social or cultural framings. In this paper we look to review how the various definitions of 'youth' relate to three dominant discourses about poverty and vulnerability in urbanising Africa: (1) food insecurity; (2) unemployment/joblessness; and (3) violence/insecurity. By doing so, we seek to identify if and when these are responsive to youth needs and practical in terms of policy efforts aiming to reduce poverty and vulnerability in urban areas. Details: Brighton, UK: Institute of Development Studies, 2014. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: IDS Evidence Report no. 81: Accessed July 3, 2014 at: http://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/4122/ER81%20Understanding%20Urban%20Youth%20and%20the%20Challenges%20they%20face%20in%20Sub-Saharan%20Africa%20Unemployment,%20Food%20Insecurity%20and%20Violent%20Crime.pdf;jsessionid=04480EA1517A659737664826FCEF0713?sequence=1 Year: 2014 Country: Africa URL: Shelf Number: 132615 Keywords: Juvenile DelinquencyJuvenilesPovertyUrban AreasYouthYouth Violence |
Author: Muggah, Robert Title: Researching the Urban Dilemma: Urbanization, Poverty and Violence Summary: In 2007, the world became a predominantly urban society. Across the world, an estimated three quarters of economic production takes place in cities. Urbanization brings with it possibilities of improved access to jobs, goods and services for poor people in developing countries and beyond as globalization trends connect cities world-wide. However, urbanization has also brought new challenges in terms of conflict, violence and urban governance - and citizen security in particular. The World Bank's landmark 2011 World Development Report highlighted the significance of violence as a development problem. Its work noted how violence is changing, becoming less structured around notions of civil war and conflict, and more focused around criminal violence, terrorism and civil unrest. The impacts of violence on human development are significant and varied. As Stergios Skaperdas has documented, they include direct costs such as death and injury, destruction to public infrastructure, personal property and assets, as well as indirect costs like psychological trauma, population displacement, the disruption of social services, reduced economic growth, brain drain and increased spending on law enforcement. What is clear is that violence has emerged as one of the central development challenges of our time. Virtually all fragile states have experienced repeated episodes of violence, and the large majority of the world's poorest people live in states affected by violence - over 1.5 billion people. As the 2011 World Development Report has underscored, the close relationship between violence and poverty is reflected in this stark fact: no low-income fragile or conflict-affected state has yet to achieve a single Millennium Development Goal. Today's cities are centres of multi-layered violence. Criminal and organized violence, associated with the drug trade in some countries have become entwined with national politics. Gangs and militias have come to substitute for public authority, offering some protection to communities, but often at great cost. Social violence, including violence within the household, is also a significant problem, particularly for vulnerable youth and women living in these environments. In response to these challenges, Canada's International Development Research Centre (IDRC) and the United Kingdom's Department for International Development (DFID) have launched Safe and Inclusive Cities. This collaborative research initiative is aimed at generating an evidence base on the connections between urban violence, inequalities and poverty and on identifying the most effective strategies for addressing these challenges. The present study marks the first step in this endeavour, and has served to inform the design and scope of the Safe and Inclusive Cities research initiative. Towards this end, the study set out to achieve four objectives: 1. Document what is known about the connections between violence, inequalities and poverty in urban centres and assess the strength of the knowledge base. Particular focus was given to assessing evidence from Latin America and the Caribbean, Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia; 2. Describe the state of theory on violence, urbanization and poverty reduction, and assess the extent to which they interact, and whether emerging evidence actually informs theoretical debates and assumptions guiding work in these fields; 3. Identify key evidence gaps that require further investigation; and 4. Map out key actors (researchers and research organizations) that are producing knowledge on these issues. The outcome is a study that promotes an integrated and comprehensive approach to tackling the challenges posed by rapid urbanization, escalating violence, and increased poverty and inequalities. Details: Ottawa: International Development Research Centre, 2012. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 9, 2014 at: http://www.idrc.ca/EN/PublishingImages/Researching-the-Urban-Dilemma-Baseline-study.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.idrc.ca/EN/PublishingImages/Researching-the-Urban-Dilemma-Baseline-study.pdf Shelf Number: 129785 Keywords: PovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeUrban AreasViolenceViolent Crimes |
Author: Dodman, David Title: Understanding the Nature and Scale of Urban Risk in Low- and Middle-Income Countries and its Implications for Humanitarian Preparedness, Planning and Response Summary: More than half of the world's population now lives in urban centres. Most of the world's urban population and its largest cities lie outside the most prosperous nations and almost all future growth in the world's urban population is projected to be in low- and middle-income countries. Within these urban centres it is common for up to 50 per cent of the population to live in informal settlements. These are often located on land that is exposed to hazards, with poor-quality provision for water, sanitation, drainage, infrastructure, healthcare and emergency services. The residents of these low-income and informal settlements are therefore highly vulnerable to a range of risks, many of which are specific to urban settings. Yet despite this, many humanitarian agencies have little experience of working in urban areas, or of negotiating the complex political economies that exist in towns and cities. This working paper has two main purposes: (1) to review the quality of the evidence base and to outline knowledge gaps about the nature and scale of urban risk in low- and middle-income countries; and (2) to assess the policy implications for humanitarian preparedness, planning and response. It does so by analysing a wide range of academic and policy literature and drawing on a number of interviews with key informants in the field. It particularly focuses on evidence from Africa and Asia, but also draws on case studies from Latin America, because many examples of good practice come from this region. The paper aims to help ensure that humanitarian and development actors are able to promote urban resilience and disaster risk reduction and to respond effectively to the humanitarian emergencies that are likely to occur in cities. Details: London: Human Settlements Group, International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), 2013. 89p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 11, 2014 at: http://pubs.iied.org/pdfs/10624IIED.pdf Year: 2013 Country: International URL: http://pubs.iied.org/pdfs/10624IIED.pdf Shelf Number: 132644 Keywords: PovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeUrban AreasUrban Crime |
Author: International Labour Office Title: Profits and Poverty: The Economics of Forced Labour Summary: The global integration of economies, including labour markets, has brought many opportunities for workers and businesses. Despite the past years of economic crisis, it has generally spurred economic growth. However, the growth in the global economy has not been beneficial for all. Today, about 21 million men, women and children are in forced labour, trafficked, held in debt bondage or work in slave-like conditions. The publication of this new ILO report on the economics of forced labour takes the understanding of forced labour, human trafficking, and modern forms of slavery to a new level. It builds on earlier ILO studies on the extent, cost and profits from forced labour. For the first time, it looks at both the supply and demand sides of forced labour, and presents solid evidence for a correlation between forced labour and poverty. What's more, it provides startling new estimates of the illegal profits generated through the use of forced labour, as well as new evidence of the key socio-economic factors that increase the risk of falling victim to coercion and abuse. These new findings come as progress is being made in the struggle against forced labour. State-imposed forced labour is declining in importance when compared to the extent of forced labour in the private economy. Of course, vigilance is needed to prevent state-imposed forced labour from resurging. But attention must now be focused on understanding what continues to drive forced labour and trafficking in the private sector. Chapter 1 lays the groundwork for an understanding of forced labour and what it is, and examines the importance of defining forced labour and related practices, such as human trafficking and slavery. It reviews the global forced labour estimates published by the ILO in 2012, which were significantly higher than the ILO's earlier estimate. Chapter 2 examines the profits from forced labour. Using a new and expanded methodology and based on the 2012 Global Estimate, the report provides updated estimates of the global profits generated by forced labour. Chapter 3 provides a new analysis of the socio-economic factors that make people vulnerable to forced labour. Based on a series of ground-breaking country surveys that consider a range of different cohorts and factors, it highlights where forced labour is most likely to occur and provides a striking correlation between household vulnerability to sudden income shocks and the likelihood of ending up in forced labour. It also elucidates risk factors that can increase vulnerability to forced labour, such as poverty, lack of education, illiteracy, gender and migration. The results of this study serve to highlight the critical need for standardized data collection methods across countries that enable the ILO and other international organisations to generate more reliable global figures, measure trends and better understand risk factors. What's more, it also shows how understanding the socio-economic factors that increase a person's vulnerability to forced labour can help drive the development of new, more robust and concrete strategies that augment existing programmes. In addition, it calls for a strengthening of laws and policies based on normative responses and an expansion of preventive measures that can keep people out of forced labour. The report concludes that there is an urgent need to address the socio-economic root causes of this hugely profitable illegal practice if it is to be overcome. Comprehensive measures are required that involve governments, workers, employers and other stakeholders working together to end forced labour. It shows how the continued existence of forced labour is not only bad for its victims, it's bad for business and development as well. And it aptly illustrates that forced labour is a practice that has no place in modern society and should be eradicated as a matter of priority. Details: Geneva, ILO, 2014. 66p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 15, 2014 at: http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_norm/---declaration/documents/publication/wcms_243391.pdf Year: 2014 Country: International URL: http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_norm/---declaration/documents/publication/wcms_243391.pdf Shelf Number: 132678 Keywords: Cost Benefit AnalysisForced LaborHuman TraffickingPovertySocioeconomic Conditions |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "Where Do You Want Us to Go?" Abuses against Street Children in Uganda Summary: Over half of all Ugandans are under the age of 15 and children are the single largest demographic group living in poverty. Street children in Uganda's urban centers face the risk of violence, abuse, and discrimination at the hands of the police and the population at large. They lack basic necessities, including access to clean water, food, medical attention, shelter, and education. Based on interviews with over 130 current and former street children, "Where Do You Want Us to Go?" documents human rights violations against street children by the police, local government officials, older street children and adults, and members of the community. Police and other officials, such as those from the Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA), have beaten, extorted money, and arbitrarily detained street children often in roundups. Although Uganda has put in place a legal framework designed to protect child rights, including those of street children, key state child protection agencies are failing to respond adequately or effectively to the needs of these children. Human Rights Watch calls on the government of Uganda to end to the roundups and abuses against street children and implement its child protection system. Those responsible for abuse, including police and officials, should be investigated and prosecuted. International partners should consider supporting civil society organizations involved in child protection and activities directly targeting street children throughout the country. Details: New York: HRW, 2014. 83p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 17, 2014 at: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/uganda0714_forinsert_ForUpload.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Uganda URL: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/uganda0714_forinsert_ForUpload.pdf Shelf Number: 132705 Keywords: Child Abuse and NeglectChild ProtectionHomeless YouthPovertyStreet Children |
Author: National Law Center on Homelessness & Poverty Title: No Safe Place: The Criminalization of Homelessness in U.S. Cities Summary: Homelessness continues to be a national crisis, affecting millions of people each year, including a rising number of families. Homeless people, like all people, must engage in activities such as sleeping or sitting down in order to survive. Yet, in communities across the nation, these harmless, unavoidable behaviors are treated as criminal activity under laws that criminalize homelessness. This report provides an overview of criminalization measures in effect across the nation and looks at trends in the criminalization of homelessness, based on an analysis of the laws in 187 cities that the Law Center has tracked since 2009. The report further describes why these laws are ineffective in addressing the underlying causes of homelessness, how they are expensive to taxpayers, and how they often violate homeless persons' constitutional and human rights. Finally, we offer constructive alternatives to criminalization, making recommendations to federal, state, and local governments on how to best address the problem of visible homelessness in a sensible, humane, and legal way. Details: Washington, DC: National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty, 2014. 71p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 31, 2014 at: http://nlchp.org/documents/No_Safe_Place Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://nlchp.org/documents/No_Safe_Place Shelf Number: 128735 Keywords: Homeless PersonsHomelessness (U.S.)HousingPoverty |
Author: Imafidon, Kenny Title: The Kenny Report. How do politics and eocnomics affect gangs and serious youth violence across the UK? Summary: The word 'gang' means different things to different people: for some it may be a group of three or more people with hoodies; or a group of young people who hang about in their local estate till late in the night; or a group of people who join up to commit criminal offences. Gangs and serious youth violence have affected our country for years, especially in major cities such as London, Manchester, Liverpool and Birmingham. Gangs have been around for decades and have been constantly evolving over the years, they are far from a new problem generated by our modern society. There has been some criticism that the government has not established a single definition that can explain what a gang is for everyone else to understand. In addition, the word 'gang' is widely and loosely used in our society by members of the public, by the media, and by professionals and politicians etc. The widely accepted definition of a gang, which I agree with to a degree, is set out in the Centre for Social Justice's 2009 Report, Dying to Belong. The Centre for Social Justice 2009 report Dying to Belong defines a gang as: "A relatively durable, predominantly street-based group of young people who: 1. See themselves (and are seen by others) as a discernible group; 2. Engage in criminal activity and violence; 3. Lay claim over territory (this is not necessarily geographical territory but can include an illegal economy as territory); 4. Have some form of identifying structural feature 5. Are in conflict with other, similar gangs." Gangs and serious youth violence obviously create social disorder and have a detrimental effect on our society. The big question everyone is asking is how do we solve this gang problem, because the justice system is clearly not deterring the growth of gangs and serious youth violence in our society? At the same time there have been many inquiries, investigations and academic research to "find out about and understand the objective characteristics of gangs such as their history, territories, size, nature and the risk factors that prompt gang involvement. Thanks to all this extensive study and research we are now at a point where we can objectively understand the many dynamics of a gang. Yet all the research we have on gangs still leaves us stuck asking the same big question year after year, government after government: "How do we solve this gang problem?" Gangs consist of people, just like you and me, and yet there is very little research that sets out to understand the subjective characteristics of the people directly or indirectly involved in gangs. Too much time is spent understanding gangs as a whole and not enough time is spent tackling the root of the problem, which must surely include a deeper understanding of the individuals who make up these gangs, the people actively involved in the violence that take place in our communities every day. Understanding the individuals and not the group will enable us to better understand the socio-economic issues that these communities face. Only when we understand the relationship between socio-economic factors and gang involvement, particularly in our deprived communities, can we make the right changes, and start to get to the heart of the problem. It is not possible to solve a problem you do not understand, nor one you do not want to solve. This report asks the question: "How do politics and economics affect gangs and serious youth violence across the UK?" It is based on a highly detailed case study of an individual called Harro, who society would see as a gang member and a cold hearted villain, but who would be described by his friends and family as a decent person with good manners and a heart of gold, and who would do whatever he could for his family and friends. This central case study provides an insight into the thoughts and feelings of a single real-life individual, and the level of socio-economic deprivation he faced. A young man full of potential, who would still be alive today had the support he needed been in place when he needed it. This case study shows us how ill-informed social policy and the ongoing cuts in the youth sector have affected Harro, his family, and many others like them in their community. This case study is based on one individual but this one individual shares characteristics with many young people involved in gangs, for example feelings of hopelessness, exclusion from society, socio-economic deprivation, growing up without positive male role models and not knowing how to get out of it all and "find help to exit that lifestyle. This report analyses seven significant influences, which affect young men like Harro and which steer them in the direction of gang membership and committing serious youth violence. These areas are: education, employment prospects, positive role models, housing, health, relationships and socialisation awareness, and community support. Details: London: Safer London Foundation, 2012. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 12, 2014 at: http://www.saferlondonfoundation.org/resources.php Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.saferlondonfoundation.org/resources.php Shelf Number: 133000 Keywords: Gang ViolenceGangs (U.K.)Juvenile OffendersPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and Crime |
Author: Jemia, Monia Ben Title: Violence against Women in the Context of Political Transformations and Economic Crisis in the Euro-Mediterranean Region: Trends and Recommendations toward Equality and Justice Summary: EMHRN's new report "Violence against Women in the Context of Political Transformations and Economic Crisis in the Euro-Mediterranean Region" comes to shed light on the sharp increase in gender-based violence. Unfortunately, the euphoria of the Arab Spring has given way to the sobering realisation that women have been the main victims of the turmoil rocking the region. In Europe, the economic crisis has led to disproportionate growing poverty and lack of economic independence among women compared to men. These trends are aggravated by societal attitudes and conservative discriminatory policies. Details: Copenhagen: Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network (EMHRN), 2014. 63p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 28, 2014 at: http://www.euromedrights.org/eng/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/VAW-report_final_en.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Europe URL: http://www.euromedrights.org/eng/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/VAW-report_final_en.pdf Shelf Number: 133160 Keywords: Gender-Based Violence (Europe)PovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolence Against Women |
Author: Aleman, Alonso Ayala Title: Urban Upgrading Intervention and Barrio Integration in Caracas, Venezuela Summary: "Spatial segregation is the reflection of social structures onto space". Understood as a negative condition the socio-spatial segregation of urban dwellers as the opposing form to urban integration has become a major hindrance to both functional urban development and the inclusive vision that cities are supposed to foster. This premise forms the underpinning rational to construct this dissertation using the situation of the informal settlements of Caracas, Venezuela, as its subject of analysis. Like in many other Latin American major cities the rapid and unregulated urbanization of Caracas is compounded by social polarization, socio-economic inequalities and urban fragmentation. Inefficient government responses to provide large portions of the urban population with adequate access to housing have resulted in the formation and consolidation of informally-built areas outside the purview of urban regulations. Known in Venezuela as barrios de ranchos, these settlements are the spatial manifestation of urban poverty, social exclusion and precarious urban conditions characterized by poor quality housing, poor access to basic services, insecure property rights, and ambiguous citizenship, all of this contributing to their lack of integration to the surrounding city. The physical and socio-economic integration and inclusion of these urban dwellers represent a tremendous challenge for policymakers, professionals and civil society alike. Particular attention must be devoted to them in order to understand why the situation has evolved into what is today with the purpose of envisioning strategies aimed at integrating them to mainstream urban development. Actions to remedy this situation have fallen under projects and programmes implemented in a piecemeal basis, tackling mostly the physical improvement of these settlements. Such actions, at least in the Venezuelan context, have been many times tainted by political patronage and manipulation. It is argued in this dissertation that an integrated, holistic and multi-disciplinary approach denuded from political patronage is necessary to activate the integration process of these settlements. In this context, urban upgrading interventions have assumed a special significance in the process of spatial and socio-economic integration of barrios. For the purpose of this dissertation a specific upgrading project in one informal settlement in Caracas has been chosen to both explore the meaning of integration and how to actually achieve it by drawing up the lessons derived from the project's planning and implementation process. The project, known as the Caracas Barrio Upgrading Project (CAMEBA), has been undertaken in two major barrio agglomerations of Caracas in an attempt towards devising a humane and integrated barrio renewal policy. The empirical evaluation of CAMEBA is believed to offer valuable insights and positive lessons for future implementation of urban integrationist strategies. The main objective of this dissertation is therefore to explore the meaning of urban integration using the implementation process of project CAMEBA as its subject of research. In order to operationalize the research, the theoretical underpinnings of Polanyi's modes of economic integration were used as the base to construct the analytical model to be tested in the field. The articulation of such model was guided on the other hand by a European research on urban integration known as the URBEX project, which applied Polanyi's model in spatial terms and emphazised the interplay of three functional domains as the key to socio-economic integration, viz. the State's redistributive policies, public reciprocity and the dynamics of market exchange. Even though the theoretical underpinnings of the model were used by the URBEX project in the context of Western cities in Europe, this dissertation attempted to adapt the analytical framework envisaged by this project to the particular situation of the barrios of Caracas. Through this theoretical exercise a number of variables and indicators were developed to measure the degree of socio-economic, political and spatial integration of the barrio intervened by the upgrading project of CAMEBA. The complexity of the issue called for an understanding of the different forces and processes behind the social, economic, political and spatial exclusion of the large portion of the Venezuelan urban dwellers that live in barrios. The exploration thus far points out to the fact that urban upgrading endeavours in informal settlements in the context analysed can only be sustainable and relevant if the community being intervened is able to own the process and become the main stakeholder of the intervention. The study reveals that the process of barrio upgrading must be activated and sustained over a period of time in order to enable barrio inhabitants to realize their much cherished aspirations including the achievement of a sense of socio-economic and political integration and a sustained improvement in the quality of their lives. Quality access to basic and physical infrastructure, socio-political recognition of barrios and fostering of proactive community organizations while enabling their meaningful participation in the barrio upgrading process emerge as the major preconditions for working towards the urban integration of barrios. The analytical model articulated in the study stands out as a useful contribution to the scientific debate regarding urban integration, and it is expected to inform policymakers and urban specialists about possible paths towards the integration of informal settlements Details: Dortmund, Germany: Faculty of Spatial Planning, Dortmund University of Technology, 2008. 243p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed September 9, 2014 at: https://eldorado.tu-dortmund.de Year: 2008 Country: Venezuela URL: https://eldorado.tu-dortmund.de Shelf Number: 133193 Keywords: Barrios (Venezuela)PovertySlumsSocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeUrban AreasUrban Development |
Author: Enamorado, Ted Title: Crime and Growth Convergence: Evidence from Mexico Summary: Scholars have often argued that crime deters growth, but the empirical literature assessing such effect is scarce. By exploiting cross-municipality income and crime data for Mexico - a country that experienced a high increase in crime rates over the past decade - this study circumvents two of the most common problems faced by researchers in this area. These are: (i) the lack of a homogenous, consistently comparable measure of crime and (ii) the small sample problem in the estimation. Combining income data from poverty maps, administrative records on crime and violence, and public expenditures data at the municipal level for Mexico (2005-2010), the analysis finds evidence indicating that drug-related crimes indeed deter growth. It also finds no evidence of a negative effect on growth from crimes unrelated to drug trafficking. Details: Washington, DC: The World Bank, Latin America and the Caribbean Region, Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Unit, 2013. 14p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Research Working Paper No. 6730: Accessed October 9, 2014 at: http://elibrary.worldbank.org/doi/pdf/10.1596/1813-9450-6730 Year: 2013 Country: Mexico URL: http://elibrary.worldbank.org/doi/pdf/10.1596/1813-9450-6730 Shelf Number: 133906 Keywords: Crime Rates (Mexico)Drug TraffickingDrug-Related ViolenceEconomic AnalysisPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Sommers, Marc Title: Dowry and Division: Youth and State Building in South Sudan Summary: - Most South Sudanese youth are undereducated and underemployed, and their priorities and perspectives are largely unknown. To address this critical knowledge gap, the authors conducted field research between April and May 2011 with youth, adults, and government and nongovernment officials in Juba and two South Sudanese states. - The increasing inability of male youth to meet rising dowry (bride price) demands was the main research finding. Unable to meet these demands, many male youth enlist in militias, join cattle raids, or seek wives from different ethnic groups or countries. - Skyrocketing dowry demands have negatively and alarmingly affected female youth. They are routinely viewed as property that can generate family wealth. - Potent new postwar identities involving youth returning from Khartoum, refugee asylum countries, and those who never left South Sudan, are stimulating hostility and conflict. - Excess demand on government jobs, widespread reports of nepotism in government hiring practices, cultural restrictions against many kinds of work, and a general lack of entrepreneurial vision are fueling an exceptionally challenging youth employment situation. - Gang activities continue to thrive in some urban centers in South Sudan. They are reportedly dominated by youth with connections to government officials and by orphans. - While most undereducated youth highlighted dowry and marriage as their primary concerns, members of the elite youth minority emphasized vocational training and scholarships for higher education. - While South Sudanese youth view their government as the primary source of education, jobs, and hope, the government of South Sudan does not appear poised to provide substantial support to vital youth priorities related to dowry, employment, education, and training. - The government of South Sudan and its international partners need to proactively address non-elite youth priorities. They must find ways to cap dowry demands, protect female youth, and support orphan youth, in addition to expanding quality education, job training, and English language training. Details: Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace, 2011. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Special Report 295: Accessed November 3, 2014 at: http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/SR_295.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Sudan URL: http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/SR_295.pdf Shelf Number: 133944 Keywords: Delinquency PreventionDowry (Sudan)PovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeYouth GangsYouth Unemployment |
Author: Mitchell, Michael Title: Changing Priorities: State Criminal Justice Reforms and Investments in Education Summary: Most states' prison populations are at historic highs after decades of extraordinary growth; in 36 states, the prison population has more than tripled as a share of the state population since 1978. This rapid growth, which continued even after crime rates fell substantially in the 1990s, has been costly. Corrections spending is now the third-largest category of spending in most states, behind education and health care. If states were still spending on corrections what they spent in the mid-1980s, adjusted for inflation, they would have about $28 billion more each year that they could choose to spend on more productive investments or a mix of investments and tax reductions. Even as states spend more on corrections, they are underinvesting in educating children and young adults, especially those in high-poverty neighborhoods. At least 30 states are providing less general funding per student this year for K-12 schools than before the recession, after adjusting for inflation; in 14 states the reduction exceeds 10 percent. Higher education cuts have been even deeper: the average state has cut higher education funding per student by 23 percent since the recession hit, after adjusting for inflation. Eleven states spent more of their general funds on corrections than on higher education in 2013. And some of the states with the biggest education cuts in recent years also have among the nation's highest incarceration rates. This is not sound policy. State economies would be much stronger over time if states invested more in education and other areas that can boost long-term economic growth and less in maintaining extremely high prison populations. The economic health of many low-income neighborhoods, which face disproportionately high incarceration rates, could particularly improve if states reordered their spending in such a way. States could use the freed-up funds in a number of ways, such as expanding access to high-quality preschool, reducing class sizes in high-poverty schools, and revising state funding formulas to invest more in high-poverty neighborhoods. Details: Washington, DC: Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, 2014. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 13, 2014 at: http://www.cbpp.org/files/10-28-14sfp.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.cbpp.org/files/10-28-14sfp.pdf Shelf Number: 134083 Keywords: Costs of Criminal JusticeCriminal Justice PolicyCriminal Justice Reform (U.S.)Delinquency PreventionEducationPoverty |
Author: National Coalition for the Homeless Title: Share No More: The Criminalization of Efforts to Feed People in Need Summary: In recent years, cities across the nation have established a precedent of criminalizing homelessness and pushing the problem out of sight. One method that has become more popular has been to introduce new legislation, designed with the intention of restricting individuals and groups from sharing food with people experiencing homelessness. Since January, 2013 alone, 21 cities have successfully restricted the practice through legislative actions or the intensity of community pressures to cease distributing food to those in need. Over ten other cities have been found to be in the process of doing the same. There are many myths and motivations that are frequently circulated regarding the issues of homelessness and food-sharing. These myths have lead to some commonly accepted rationales for passing laws that restrict or prohibit food-sharing. One of the most narrow-minded ideas when it comes to homelessness and food-sharing is that sharing food with people in need enables them to remain homeless. In many cases food-sharing programs might be the only occasion in which some homeless individuals will have access to healthy, safe food. People remain homeless for many reasons: lack of affordable housing, lack of job opportunity, mental health or physical disability, and lack of living wage jobs. Food-sharing does not perpetuate homelessness. This perspective and other myths have led to at least 31 cities nationwide taking strides to restrict or ban the act of food-sharing. Details: Washington, DC: National Coalition for the Homeless, 2014. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 20, 2014 at: http://nationalhomeless.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/Food-Sharing2014.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://nationalhomeless.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/Food-Sharing2014.pdf Shelf Number: 134159 Keywords: Homeless Persons (U.S.) Homelessness Poverty |
Author: Harrell, Erika Title: Household Poverty and Nonfatal Violent Victimization, 2008-2012 Summary: This report presents findings from 2008 to 2012 on the relationship between households that were above or below the federal poverty level and nonfatal violent victimization, including rape or sexual assault, robbery, aggravated assault, and simple assault. This report examines the violent victimization experiences of persons living in households at various levels of poverty, focusing on type of violence, victim's race or Hispanic origin, and location of residence. It also examines the percentage of violent victimizations reported to the police by poverty level. Data are from the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), which collects information on nonfatal crimes, reported and not reported to the police, against persons age 12 or older from a nationally representative sample of U.S. households. During 2012, about 92,390 households and 162,940 persons were interviewed for the NCVS. Highlights: For the period 2008-12 - Persons in poor households at or below the Federal Poverty Level (FPL) (39.8 per 1,000) had more than double the rate of violent victimization as persons in high-income households (16.9 per 1,000). Persons in poor households had a higher rate of violence involving a firearm (3.5 per 1,000) compared to persons above the FPL (0.8-2.5 per 1,000). The overall pattern of poor persons having the highest rates of violent victimization was consistent for both whites and blacks. However, the rate of violent victimization for Hispanics did not vary across poverty levels. Poor Hispanics (25.3 per 1,000) had lower rates of violence compared to poor whites (46.4 per 1,000) and poor blacks (43.4 per 1,000). Poor persons living in urban areas (43.9 per 1,000) had violent victimization rates similar to poor persons living in rural areas (38.8 per 1,000). Poor urban blacks (51.3 per 1,000) had rates of violence similar to poor urban whites (56.4 per 1,000). Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2014. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 20, 2014 at: http://www.bjs.gov/index.cfm?ty=pbdetail&iid=5137 Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.bjs.gov/index.cfm?ty=pbdetail&iid=5137 Shelf Number: 134167 Keywords: Crime StatisticsPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeVictimization Surveys (U.S.)Violent Crime |
Author: Martin, Catherine Title: Casualities of War: How the war on drugs is harming the world's poorest Summary: Since the mid-twentieth century, global drug policy has been dominated by strict prohibition, which tries to force people to stop possessing, using and producing drugs by making them illegal. This approach, which has come to be known as the 'War on Drugs', has not only failed to achieve its goals - it is fuelling poverty, undermining health, and failing some of the poorest and most marginalised communities worldwide. Just like tax dodging, climate change and unfair trade rules, current global drug policies undermine global efforts to tackle poverty and inequality. Yet, unlike with these issues, the development sector has remained largely silent when it comes to drug policy. If, as international NGOs, we are serious about dealing with the root causes of poverty and not just the symptoms, we cannot afford to ignore drug policy. It's time we recognised the threat that unreformed global drug policy poses to our attempts to tackle poverty worldwide. The sector can no longer be absent from debates on drug policy reform. As governments prepare for the post-2015 Sustainable Development Goals and the UN General Assembly's Special Session (UNGASS) on Drugs in 2016, we have a unique opportunity to ensure the rights of the poorest and most marginalised are at the heart of the negotiations. Details: London: Health Poverty Action, 2015. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 12, 2015 at: http://www.healthpovertyaction.org/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2015/02/Casualties-of-war-report-web.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://www.healthpovertyaction.org/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2015/02/Casualties-of-war-report-web.pdf Shelf Number: 134916 Keywords: Drug Policy (International)Drug ReformPovertyWar on Drugs |
Author: Strehl, Talinay Title: Street-Working and Street-Living Children in Peru:Conditions and Current Interventions Summary: The 1990s witnessed serious interest from Peruvian NGOs in the issue of street children and, as a result, many street child welfare services were initiated, especially in Lima. However, since that time the interest has once again waned, even though the problem has not decreased. In recent years, hardly any anthropological research with street children has been done in Peru. Although GOs and NGOs have a lot of relevant knowledge concerning street children, this knowledge lacks actualisation and analysis to be positively used for the formulation of policy. This research will expose the reality of street children, which will enable us to understand the relation between street children and the organisations that intervene in their name. The focus will be more on the street-living than on the street-working children. One of the central objectives of this IREWOC research therefore was to reveal the faces and voices of street children and analyse their various backgrounds, relations to the streets and their perceptions of their situation. The research results were expected to give relevant insights into the various reasons why children are in the streets, the activities in which the children engage and how they generate income and the consequences that the children experience from their working/living/being in the streets. The anthropological outline of the lives of street children will form a basis for the second objective of this research, namely to map different policy initiatives for street children and to identify the best practices to satisfy street children's needs. Are organisations working with street children alleviating the problem or are they reproducing it, i.e. are their policies pulling children to the streets? These research objectives have been translated to the following research questions: - What are the street children's coping mechanisms? What labour activities or other activities do the children perform to generate income and what do they use it for? - What consequences does living/working in the streets have for these children's lives: what are the specific problems that the various types of street children face? - What are their urgent (self-declared) needs and what are their (perceived) aspirations? - Which specific strategies and interventions are used by GOs and NGOs to improve the situation of street children? - What are the effects of the different GO and NGO interventions on the street children and which strategies can be identified as most effective in improving the daily life situation and the future prospects of the street children? - Do GOs and NGOs work in a complementary way? What are bottlenecks in cooperation? The fieldwork locations for this research were Lima and Cusco. Lima was chosen because of its urban and metropolitan character and high number of street children, and Cusco because of its tourism industry and more rural and indigenous influences. Details: Leiden: Foundation for International Research on Working Children (IREWOC), 2010. 145p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 18, 2015 at: https://www.essex.ac.uk/armedcon/story_id/Street%20Children%20Peru_Strehl_IREWOC_2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Peru URL: https://www.essex.ac.uk/armedcon/story_id/Street%20Children%20Peru_Strehl_IREWOC_2010.pdf Shelf Number: 134964 Keywords: Child AbuseChild LaborChild ProstitutionHomeless ChildrenOrganized CrimePovertySexual ExploitationStreet Children (Peru) |
Author: Kingsley, G. Thomas Title: The Impacts of Foreclosures on Families and Communities Summary: The foreclosure crisis is now having dramatic effects throughout America. In mid-2008, recognizing that this phenomenon was still quite new, the Open Society Institute asked the Urban Institute to scan available research to document what we know about: (1) the way foreclosures impact families; (2) how foreclosures affect communities; and (3) the efforts now underway, or being suggested, to address the crisis, focusing on actions at the local level. This report presents the results of this review. A final section offers the authors' recommendations on priorities for additional research to fill important gaps in the knowledge base. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2009. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 4, 2015 at: http://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/alfresco/publication-pdfs/411909-The-Impacts-of-Foreclosures-on-Families-and-Communities.PDF Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/alfresco/publication-pdfs/411909-The-Impacts-of-Foreclosures-on-Families-and-Communities.PDF Shelf Number: 135500 Keywords: Housing Foreclosures (U.S.) PovertySocioeconomic Status |
Author: Lurie, Kaya Title: Discrimination at the Margins: The Intersectionality of Homelessness & Other Marginalized Groups Summary: This brief addresses the intersectionality of homelessness and other marginalized groups. It examines six marginalized groups: racial minorities, women, individuals who identify as lesbian, gay, transgender, queer, or questioning (LGBTQ), individuals with a mental disability, incarcerated individuals, and veterans. The brief presents national and Washington State statistics to show how these six marginalized groups are represented in the homeless population compared to the general population. Moreover, it presents some of the causes of homelessness for these marginalized groups. This policy brief is particularly important to homeless rights advocacy because it humanizes the homeless population by outlining who is homeless and why. Categorizing a diverse group of people as "homeless" blanches this diversity by presenting these people as a homogenous group. Homogenizing the people who are homeless facilitates their dehumanization, erasing not only their diverse identities, but also obscuring the diverse causes of their homelessness. Homogenization also encourages erroneous negative stereotypes, assumptions, and prejudices. This brief unveils the diverse identities and causes of homelessness. This unveiling reveals that marginalized groups are disproportionately represented in the homeless population, and are therefore, disproportionately targeted by the ordinances that criminalize homelessness. Moreover, these criminalization laws are evidence of systemic and insidious discrimination of many marginalized groups. Because society has already rejected laws that discriminatorily target many of these same marginalized groups, the results of this study should compel society to re-examine the impact of laws that criminalize homelessness. Ultimately, this brief argues that laws that criminalize homelessness should be rejected because they are discriminatory. Details: Seattle, WA: Seattle University School of Law, Homeless Rights Advocacy Project, 2015. 75p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 19, 2015 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2602532 Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2602532 Shelf Number: 135711 Keywords: CriminalizationDiscriminationHomeless PersonsHomelessnessPovertyPublic Space |
Author: Ortiz, Javier Title: The Wrong Side of History: A Comparison of Modern and Historical Criminalization Laws Summary: Like many other cities throughout the country, Washington's homeless population is being targeted through ordinances infused with a historical spirit of control and discrimination. The policy brief looks at the history of criminalization laws by focusing on historical criminalization laws and how they paved a way for current anti-homeless ordinances. The policy brief reveals that the spirit of historical criminalization laws is present in anti-homeless ordinances today. Since these historical laws have been repealed and overturned, so should anti-homeless ordinances that share the same spirit of control, exclusion, and discrimination. The brief focuses on five historical laws and modern anti-homeless ordinances through case studies: Vagrancy; Anti-Okie, Jim Crow, Ugly, and Sundown Town laws. Each section discusses the impetus for each law and the effect it had on targeted individuals. Next, the brief examines specific language from these laws and how they were applied - and ultimately, how they were overturned by judges, legislatures, and public opinion. The brief then shifts focus to three case studies of modern anti-homeless ordinances. This comparison reveals that modern anti-homeless ordinances share much of the same form, phrasing, and function as historical laws that banned African-Americans from attending public school with white Americans; that banned Midwesterners from entering Western states during the Great Depression; and that banned people with physical disabilities from residing in certain cities. And yet, anti-homeless ordinances are just contemporary expressions of the same impulse to marginalize already marginalized people. Ultimately, this brief shows that modern anti-homeless ordinances are just historically infamous laws in a new guise. Details: Seattle, WA: Seattle University School of Law, 2015. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 26, 2015 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2602533 Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2602533 Shelf Number: 135783 Keywords: CriminalizationHomeless PersonsHomelessnessPovertyPublic Space |
Author: Stopler, Lucien Title: Money Makes the World Go Down. Child Sexual Abuse and Child Sexual Exploitation in Tanzania Summary: Child sexual abuse and child sexual exploitation is widespread and growing in Tanzania. Although no nationwide statistics currently exist, certain observations strongly indicate widespread sexual exploitation. This report is based on a literature review and key informant interviews. Tanzanian police, specialized local and international NGOs and victims of abuse and exploitation were interviewed during the field work. Below is a summary of the empirical findings that are subsequently supported and discussed in the body of the report. Research conducted in six areas of Dar es Salaam revealed that 40% of children from poor families are being sexually exploited. Other commercial areas in Tanzania, including mining and fishing areas, are known locations for child prostitution. Anecdotal information confirms that a large number of children travel to these areas on payday to solicit sex. Child sexual abuse is rampant among street children; it is estimated that 30 to 40% of boys are abused by older boys and market vendors and 90% of girls are abused and generally end up in prostitution. The clients of child prostitutes' range, from tourists, business men and NGO workers for the more expensive girls, to locals and teenagers exploiting the children that charge the lowest rates - sometimes asking only for food. Child prostitutes interviewed related stories of violence from clients and big mama's (pimps) and the desperation they feel from not having any options. Child sexual abuse within the family goes mostly undiscovered because family honor prevails over the rights of individual children. Boy prostitution is a phenomenon that occurs primarily in Zanzibar. Child sexual abuse and child sexual exploitation are often linked. Child sexual abuse is defined differently than child sexual exploitation - namely that there is no commercial transaction or negotiation taking place - but in practice there is a gradient scale from abuse to exploitation. Sexual abusers often introduce an aspect of commercial transaction that further exploits the vulnerability of the victim. The police do not prioritize the investigation or prosecution of men having sex with child prostitutes, even though sex with a minor is a grave offence, carrying up to 30 years imprisonment as well as corporal punishment. The police arrest the underage prostitute, not the man who is also breaking the law by engaging in child sexual exploitation. The police are themselves accused of exploiting child prostitutes. The police officers that are committed, request more training on investigative techniques and internatioanal cooperation, as well as sufficient resources. Trafficking routes run from Tanzania and other East African countries to Europe. Information from the Tanzanian police lists the Netherlands as a likely location for victims of trafficking, even though there are few reports of women in The Netherlands trafficked from Tanzania. Two important root causes of child sexual abuse and exploitation that need to be addressed are poverty, which pushes children towards the city where there is no work, and broken homes emanating partly from social stress. Income-generation and family-support programs can improve this situation. Details: The Hague: Terre des Hommes Netherlands, 2009. 41p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 3, 2015 at: http://www.mensenhandelweb.nl/system/files/documents/14%20feb%202014/Money%20Makes%20the%20World%20Go%20Down%20%20Tanzania.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Tanzania URL: http://www.mensenhandelweb.nl/system/files/documents/14%20feb%202014/Money%20Makes%20the%20World%20Go%20Down%20%20Tanzania.pdf Shelf Number: 129774 Keywords: Child ProstitutionChild Sex TraffickingChild Sexual AbuseChild Sexual ExploitationHuman traffickingPoverty |
Author: Norwegian Church Aid Title: Exploiting Inequalities: Conflict and Power Relations in Bel Air Summary: Once a buzzing middle-class neighborhood of artists and intellectuals, Bel Air is today an impoverished neighborhood with a reputation for chronic instability, controlled to a large extent by gang leaders and criminals. Less known and researched than its infamous neighbor Cite Soleil in the Haitian capital city of Port-au-Prince, Bel Air represents an interesting case study of the complex structural and proximate factors that - individually and collectively - explain the state of fragility in this urban hotbed. Taken together, these factors offer a new understanding of the destabilizing consequences that the urban violence in Bel Air could lead to at the local, national and even international levels. Through the process of rapid urban migration, the densely populated and increasingly impoverished neighborhood Bel Air came to be strongly associated with former President Aristide's Lavalas movement. Aristide drew heavily upon the existing neighborhood associations or baz to safeguard his power, following in the footsteps of a long history of Haitian presidents who employed local armed groups to solidify their power. Embattled by the economic elite who felt their interests threatened by his pro-poor rhetoric, Aristide was blamed for arming the base structures and creating the paramilitary phenomenon responsible for the acute increases in violence. Violence had begun to decline following political reconciliation efforts and violence reduction strategies, combined with the actions of the UN Stabilization Mission and NGOs to implement law enforcement operations, beginning in late 2006. However, since the January 12, 2010 earthquake, the area known as Greater Bel Air has experienced an upsurge in violence, peaking in 2012. This conflict analysis for Greater Bel Air examines the driving factors of conflict, key actors, "connectors and dividers" and gender dimensions of conflict. The overall purpose is to improve the effectiveness of future peacebuilding programs in Greater Bel Air, by ensuring that they are addressing key driving factors of conflict. A specific objective for Norwegian Church Aid is to systematize and make explicit the information and insights gathered from a wide range of informants and organizations working on conflict resolution and violence reduction in Greater Bel Air, and to create a baseline upon which further programming can be developed. The conflict analysis is primarily based upon a desk study of existing analyses, academic research and other studies, combined with updated information gathered through interviews with key informants and focus groups. Key informants were identified among stakeholders from civil society, the private sector, local/national government including the police, the United Nations, national and international NGOs, religious leaders and peace practitioners. 46 interviews and six focus groups, made up of 8 - 13 participants from different sectors of society and from different sub-areas of Great Bel Air, were carried out over a two week period in July- August and one week in November 2013. Greater Bel Air and Haiti provides a unique context for understanding violence as it is a country that has not undergone war, and yet it is a situation where cyclical violent conflict has become entrenched in the sociopolitical life of Haitian society. A country born out of the world's first successful slave revolt, the roots of violence and resistance to injustice run deep, dating back to the system of slavery and the legacy of structural injustice perpetuated by this economic model. The disparities of power and wealth between the impoverished urban masses and the elite have often been marked with violence. Pervasive political, economic and social tensions are played out through local level violence between individuals and small groups, largely centered in Haiti's popular neighborhoods, but are often linked level turmoil, political and economic crises. Details: Ption Ville, Haiti: Norwegian Church Aid Haiti, 2014. 63p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 4, 2015 at: https://www.kirkensnodhjelp.no/her-jobber-vi/haiti/exploiting-inequalities/ Year: 2014 Country: Haiti URL: https://www.kirkensnodhjelp.no/her-jobber-vi/haiti/exploiting-inequalities/ Shelf Number: 135902 Keywords: Neighborhoods and CrimePovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeUrban Areas and Crime |
Author: Khanna, Gaurav Title: Guns and Butter? Fighting Violence with the Promise of Development Summary: There is growing awareness that development-oriented government policies may be an important counterinsurgency strategy, but existing papers are usually unable to disentangle various mechanisms. Using a regression-discontinuity design, we analyze the impact of one of the world's largest anti-poverty programs, India's NREGS, on the intensity of Maoist conflict. We find short-run increases of insurgency-related violence, police-initiated attacks, and insurgent attacks on civilians. We discuss how these results relate to established theories in the literature. The main mechanism consistent with the empirical patterns is that NREGS induces civilians to share more information with the state, improving police effectiveness. Details: Bonn: Institute for the Study of Labor, 2015. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: IZA Discussion Paper no. 9160: Accessed July 15, 2015 at: http://ftp.iza.org/dp9160.pdf Year: 2015 Country: India URL: http://ftp.iza.org/dp9160.pdf Shelf Number: 136053 Keywords: Counter-TerrorismEconomic DevelopmentPolice EffectivenessPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeTerrorism |
Author: Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime Title: Organized Crime: A Cross-Cutting Threat to Sustainable Development Summary: The international community has become increasingly aware of the extent to which organised crime serves as a spoiler of sustainable development. This realisation has been enshrined in a number of seminal reports. In 2005, the report of the United Nations (UN) Secretary-General, "In Larger Freedom," which identified the challenges preventing the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), highlighted organised crime as one of the principle threats to peace and security in the 21st century. The 2010 "Keeping the Promise" report of the Secretary-General recognised that in order to achieve the MDGs, there would need to be capacity to respond specifically to organised crime. The World Development Report 2011 concluded that both conflict and organised crime have the same detrimental effect on development, resulting in 20% less development performance. As such, combatting organised crime and promoting greater economic and social resilience to its most deleterious impacts has become an integral part of the 2012 "Action Agenda" of the Secretary-General, as a priority for achieving a stable world. While organised crime is not a new phenomenon, the spread, impact and forms of organised crime in the modern world are unprecedented. The effects of organised crime are being felt in fragile and developed nations alike, and in many parts of the world, organised crime creates the very conditions that allow it to thrive, resulting in a self-perpetuating cycle of insecurity and diverted development. In fragile states and in situations of peacebuilding and state consolidation, organised crime is an increasing threat. In a number of theatres, criminal groups and illicit flows have been proven to fund conflict and perpetuate violence and insecurity. It is widely recognised, for example, that illicit trafficking and organised crime played a pivotal role in reducing the credibility of the government and financing armed groups that prompted the collapse of the state in Mali in 2011. More recently in Libya, organised crime and the armed groups that perpetrate it are having a decisive impact on the country's development, undermining transitions to stability, obstructing the functioning of central state institutions, holding the democratic process hostage, disenfranchising citizens and increasing the insecurity and life chances of communities. Organised crime and related corruption have been seen to reach up to the highest levels of government and the state, impacting stability, governance, development and the rule of law. Even in what are considered strong and prospering states, organised crime has a serious corrosive effect. A number of recent studies in Africa, for example, have demonstrated that while much of the continent is admired for its active civil society and free media, there is a very real danger of internal decay as organised crime and the associated corruption undermine state institutions. Weaknesses in public and private structures can result in the diversion of resources away from critical infrastructure and governmental services, including the provision of health, education and social welfare. Poverty and inequality are associated with increases in organised crime, not least in relation to human trafficking, smuggling of counterfeit goods, the production of illicit crops, and everyday extortion and bribery. Prominent examples of these insidious relationships are visible in Central and South America; South, West and North Africa; and areas of Eastern Europe, where a combination of drug cartels, transnational gangs, money laundering entities and public entities are colluding with critical effects on human security and development. Moreover, there is a growing body of anecdotal evidence of the myriad ways organised crime negatively impacts the environment, such as by destroying biodiversity, threatening key species, or reducing the sustainability of ecosystems. In dealing with fisheries and marine ecosystems, addressing the problem of large-scale illegal fishing has become more urgent than other research priorities. In fields like sustainable forestry, a substantial proportion of development assistance is being diverted through illegal logging. Drug trafficking has also been a cause of deforestation of large portions of the Amazon and the Isthmus of Panama. Details: Geneva, SWIT: The Initiative, 2015. 96p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 7, 2015 at: http://www.globalinitiative.net/download/global-initiative/Global%20Initiative%20-%20Organized%20Crime%20as%20a%20Cross-Cutting%20Threat%20to%20Development%20-%20January%202015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://www.globalinitiative.net/download/global-initiative/Global%20Initiative%20-%20Organized%20Crime%20as%20a%20Cross-Cutting%20Threat%20to%20Development%20-%20January%202015.pdf Shelf Number: 136348 Keywords: CorruptionIllicit GoodsOffenses Against the EnvironmentOrganized CrimePovertySustainable Development |
Author: Healy, D. Title: Crime, Punishment and Inequality in Ireland Summary: The linkages between crime, punishment, policing and inequality are multifaceted. There is good empirical evidence that certain types of offending, especially homicide, are positively correlated with inequality. In addition a theoretical argument can be made to the effect that inequality creates opportunities for the kinds of corporate and white collar misconduct which, even if not criminal in a narrow legal sense, have far-reaching and damaging social repercussions. For example, the enormous scale of reckless lending, balance sheet manipulation and cynical underestimation by Irish banks will place a greater financial burden on this country's taxpayers than the harms wrought by generations of robbers, burglars and thieves. Other countries caught up in the financial crises that defined the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century will have similar experiences. An exaggerated emphasis on financial success, to the virtual exclusion of other markers of achievement, becomes problematic in a context where there are few restraints on the means chosen to increase wealth. Traditional modes of crime prevention and control have proved insufficiently flexible to deal with a new category of harms perpetrated by a new class of offender; investigating financial malpractice requires new tools and new models of criminal justice. Details: Amsterdam: Amsterdams Instituut voor Arbeids Studies (AIAS), Universiteit van Amsterdam , 2013. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: GINI Discussion Paper 93: Accessed September 11, 2015 at: http://www.uva-aias.net/uploaded_files/publications/93-4-5-4.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Ireland URL: http://www.uva-aias.net/uploaded_files/publications/93-4-5-4.pdf Shelf Number: 136714 Keywords: Financial CrimesInequalityPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeWhite Collar Crime |
Author: Spanjers, Joseph Title: Illicit Financial flows and Development Indices: 2008-2012 Summary: This June 2015 report, the latest in a series by Global Financial Integrity (GFI), highlights the outsized impact that illicit financial flows have on the world's poorest economies. The study looks at illicit financial flows from some of the world's poorest nations and compares those values to some traditional indicators of development-including GDP, total trade, foreign direct investment, public expenditures on education and health services, and total tax revenue, among others-over the period 2008-2012. The report also produces several scatter plots in which illicit flows values for all developing and emerging market nations are compared to key trade indicators and various development indices, such as human development, inequality, and poverty, to determine if correlations exist between the two. By two different measures of poverty, the study reveals a positive correlation between higher levels of poverty and larger illicit outflows. That is, countries with higher levels of illicit financial flows (relative to GDP) tend to struggle with higher levels of poverty. Details: Washington, DC: Global Financial Integrity, 2015. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 16, 2015 at: http://www.gfintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Illicit-Financial-Flows-and-Development-Indices-2008-2012.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://www.gfintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Illicit-Financial-Flows-and-Development-Indices-2008-2012.pdf Shelf Number: 136786 Keywords: Corruption Financial Crime Money LaunderingPovertyTax Evasion White Collar Crime |
Author: Webster, Colin Title: Poverty and Crime Review Summary: This review of the literature about how and why poverty and crime influence one another, and the benefits to crime reduction of reducing poverty, looks at the implications for practical policies and strategies. Methods The review gathered and reviewed 173 of the most cited and/or important articles and monographs published mostly between 1980 and 2013 that directly or indirectly tested the poverty and crime (P‐C) link in the United States, United Kingdom and Europe. The start date 1980 reflects a growing interest in the impact of poverty on crime, coinciding with steep rises of poverty and unemployment at a time that began to see steep rises in the crime rate too. In marshalling studies about crime and poverty, various methodological and substantive blind‐spots in the criminological literature needed to be taken into account and overcome. Large national studies of poverty and crime in Britain, like studies of crime and class, are absent, despite a widespread impression that crime is prevalent among the poor and lower social classes. In Britain, neither criminal nor prison statistics control for poverty or socioeconomic status, made all the more remarkable when proxies for poverty such as employment status at arrest and conviction are taken into account, which show the majority of those arrested and imprisoned having experienced poverty. Further, changes in British Crime Survey (BCS) sampling and changes in the availability of data have made analysis of the impact of poverty on crime impossible. The overall method was to triangulate different approaches, methods and data so that the weaknesses of one might be compensated by the strengths of another. To discover what the cumulative effects of growing up poor might be on engaging in criminal activity we gathered studies that looked at processes of persistent or recurring childhood and family poverty, linked to crime, using longitudinal cohort studies. Associations, correlations and causes in poverty‐crime relationships were sort using cohort and time series data as well as cross sectional studies. As Valdez et al (2007:595) tell us, any poverty and crime link'...involves a complex interrelationship among mediating individual and community‐level variables'. Another aspect of our methods was to capture the different levels and scales of data and analysis - individual, household and neighbourhood - in poverty and crime relationships. We looked at smaller, local studies as well as national studies using aggregate data. Finally we examined quantitative and qualitative approaches to the impact of poverty on crime. Details: York, UK: Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 2014. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Anti-Poverty Strategies for the UK: Accessed November 28, 2015 at: http://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/71188/1/JRF_Final_Poverty_and_Crime_Review_May_2014.pdf Year: 2014 Country: International URL: http://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/71188/1/JRF_Final_Poverty_and_Crime_Review_May_2014.pdf Shelf Number: 137357 Keywords: Neighborhoods and CrimePovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeSocioeconomic Status |
Author: Irish Penal Reform Trust Title: The Vicious Circle of Social Exclusion and Crime: Ireland's Disproportionate Punishment of the Poor Summary: The purpose of this Position Paper is to emphasise the complex matrix between social exclusion and crime, in order to impress on policy makers that an effective response to crime must, at the front end, involve investment in early intervention to combat social and educational disadvantage to prevent vulnerable young people embarking on criminality in the first instance. At the back end - i.e. post imprisonment - appropriate measures should be put in place to reintegrate ex-prisoners back into society, including comprehensive assistance with housing and work or training, for the benefit of the individuals themselves, as well as the communities to which they are returning. Details: Dublin: IPRT, 2012. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 10, 2016 at: http://www.iprt.ie/files/Position_Paper_FINAL.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Ireland URL: http://www.iprt.ie/files/Position_Paper_FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 137835 Keywords: At-Risk YouthOffendersPovertyPrisoner ReentryPrisonersReintegrationSocial ExclusionSocio-economic Conditions and Crime |
Author: Duffy, Rosaleen Title: Poverty, Poaching and Trafficking: What are the links? Summary: Our rapid review of the academic and grey literature revealed that the links between poverty, poaching and trafficking are under-researched and poorly understood. Yet, the assumption that poaching occurs because of poverty is omnipresent, with little 'hard evidence' to support the claim. Despite this, we are confident that the links are there, based on the evidence that we gathered. However, our understandings are hampered by a series of factors: trafficking and poaching are overwhelmingly framed as an issue of conservation/biodiversity loss rather than of poverty and development; it is difficult to collect clear and detailed data on poaching precisely because of its illicit nature; and many of the cases we examined are also linked in with conflict zones, making research even more challenging. Nevertheless, our key findings are as follows: 1. Poaching in Sub Saharan African was produced via the historical legacy of colonialism 2. Poverty is directly and indirectly linked to poaching and trafficking of ivory and rhino horn from Sub-Saharan Africa 3. There are different types of poachers, and they require different policy responses 4. Poaching and trafficking of ivory and rhino horn are ultimately driven by wealth and not by poverty per se. 5. We need a much better understanding of the relationships between poverty and individual poacher motivation 6. The evidence base for claims around poverty as a driver of ivory and rhino poaching is thin, but that does not mean that poverty is not an important factor 7. There are direct links between conflict zones, illegal killing of wildlife, trafficking and poverty. 8. Trafficking can increase poverty We then summarise the main policy responses, identifying their strengths and weaknesses. These include: 1. Changing people's behaviour via negative incentives (e.g. monitoring compliance with rules and penalising detected rule breakers), positive incentives and distractions. 2. The development of tourism as a route to poverty reduction. 3. Legalisation of the ivory and rhino horn trade at the international level, including arguments around its potential impact on community based natural resource management schemes. Finally, we offer a series of short case studies that indicate these complex linkages via an analysis of particular examples. Details: London(?): Evidence on Demand, 2013. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 2, 2016 at: http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/17836/1/EoD_HD059_Jun2013_Poverty_Poaching.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Africa URL: http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/17836/1/EoD_HD059_Jun2013_Poverty_Poaching.pdf Shelf Number: 138029 Keywords: Animal PoachingPovertyWildlife ConservationWildlife CrimeWildlife Trafficking |
Author: International Crisis Group Title: Crutch to Catalyst? The International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala Summary: Guatemala - one of Latin America's most violent, unequal and impoverished countries - is enjoying a rare moment of opportunity. A new president, Jimmy Morales, bolstered by a landslide victory, has taken office promising to end corruption. The old political elite is in disarray. Emboldened citizens are pressing for reforms to make justice more effective and government more transparent. Behind these changes is a unique multilateral experiment, the UN-sponsored International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), whose investigators work with national prosecutors to dismantle criminal networks within the state. CICIG is not a permanent fix, however. Guatemala will lose its opportunity unless national leaders assume the fight against impunity as their own, approve stalled justice and security sector reforms and muster the financial resources to strengthen domestic institutions. CICIG began operations in 2007 to investigate clandestine security groups that continued to operate within the state following the 1996 accords that ended 36 years of intermittent armed conflict. Such groups still undermine the state, though their main goal now is economic power, not elimination of political opponents. International support and financing guarantee the commission's independence, though it operates under Guatemalan laws. Unlike traditional capacity-building efforts, it not only trains, but also works side by side with national prosecutors and police, providing them with the necessary technical expertise and political autonomy to hold powerful suspects accountable before the law. CICIG has promoted and helped implement legislation to create a witness protection program, tighten gun controls, establish rules for court-ordered wiretaps and asset forfeiture and institute high-risk courts for the trial of particularly dangerous defendants. At the same time, it has carried out complex, high-profile probes that resulted in charges against a former president for embezzlement, an ex-minister and other top security officials for extrajudicial executions and dozens of additional officials and suspected drug traffickers for fraud, illicit association and homicide. The commission has faced significant setbacks and limitations, however. Some high-profile cases have ended in acquittal. Key reforms, such as a judicial career law, have stalled in Congress. While it has helped strengthen certain specialised prosecutorial units, the public prosecutor's office remains overstretched, even absent, in much of the country. Other institutions essential for combatting impunity - notably the civilian police and judiciary - are still weak, vulnerable to corruption and largely unaccountable. The most dramatic blows it has delivered against impunity came in 2015 with the arrest of almost 200 officials for corruption, including a multi-million dollar scheme to defraud customs. Working with national prosecutors, CICIG collected and analysed massive amounts of evidence. The evidentiary trail, according to prosecutors, led to President Otto Perez Molina, who resigned (though denying any criminal activity) and now awaits trial in a military prison. Much of CICIG's recent success is due to the determination and persistence of its current commissioner, Ivan Velasquez, a jurist known for uncovering the links between politicians and paramilitary structures in his native Colombia. CICIG cannot function, however, without the close collaboration and support of Guatemalan prosecutors. Very different attorneys general - Claudia Paz y Paz, a former human rights activist, and Thelma Aldana, a veteran jurist - have shown the independence and courage to pursue complex, controversial cases against powerful suspects. A crucial ingredient is popular support. Both the commission and public prosecutors enjoy wide approval among citizens exhausted by violent crime and corruption. The investigations spawned a broad civic movement for justice reform and government transparency. In a country long polarised by ideological, economic and ethnic differences, the anti-corruption crusade has at least temporarily united groups ranging from business associations to labour unions, urban professionals to indigenous leaders. Anger over government fraud holds this movement together, rather than any clear agenda for change. Elected leaders should channel discontent into positive action by initiating a national debate on the reforms needed to strengthen justice and encourage accountability. Morales, a former television comedian, campaigned as the anti-politician. He has yet to put forward a clear reform program, including new legislation to guarantee the independence of judges and prosecutors, toughen campaign-financing laws and create honest, professional civilian police. Moreover, a weak, underfunded state needs to enact fiscal and tax reforms so that its justice institutions have the resources needed to pay good salaries, provide decent working conditions and extend their coverage across the country. CICIG's mandate ends in September 2017, though the president wisely has proposed extending it. International assistance cannot last indefinitely, however. The commission is Guatemala's best opportunity for genuine justice reform, and it should not be wasted, but the government must start planning for its departure by fortifying its own capacity to fight crime and corruption. Details: Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2016. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Latin America Report No. 56: Accessed March 2, 2016 at: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/latin-america/Guatemala/056-crutch-to-catalyst-the-international-commission-against-impunity-in-guatemala Year: 2016 Country: Guatemala URL: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/latin-america/Guatemala/056-crutch-to-catalyst-the-international-commission-against-impunity-in-guatemala Shelf Number: 138031 Keywords: CorruptionPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Bywaters, Paul Title: The relationship between poverty, child abuse and neglect: an evidence review Summary: This report identifies and discusses evidence about two key aspects of the relationship between poverty and child abuse and neglect: the impact of poverty on a child's chance of being abused or neglected and the impact on adult poverty of abuse or neglect in childhood. It explores the economic costs of child abuse and neglect and outlines broad policy implications, with a particular focus on the UK. Although the evidence is limited in a number of important respects, it is clear that there is a strong association between family poverty and a child's chance of suffering child abuse or neglect. Adverse events in childhood, including abuse and neglect, are associated with a negative effect on adult economic circumstances. However, these associations have been an insufficient focus of official data-gathering, research or policy-making. This report outlines: - strengths and weaknesses in the evidence base; - UK and international evidence about the association between family poverty and child abuse and neglect; - UK and international evidence about the impact of childhood abuse or neglect on poverty in adulthood; - evidence about the costs of child abuse and neglect; - implications for policy-making. Details: York, UK: Joseph Rowntree Foundations, 2016. 74p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 4, 2016 at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/relationship-between-poverty-child-abuse-and-neglect-evidence-review#jl_downloads_0 Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/relationship-between-poverty-child-abuse-and-neglect-evidence-review#jl_downloads_0 Shelf Number: 138043 Keywords: Child Abuse and NeglectChild MaltreatmentPoverty |
Author: Fredericksen, Allyson Title: Jobs after Jail: Ending the prison to poverty pipeline Summary: Each year an average of 630,000 people are released from state and federal prisons - for many, their prison record will be a life sentence of poverty and low wages. In addition to facing "the box" on job applications that asks about being convicted of a crime, they also face a raft of state restrictions banning them from certain occupations. Every state in the country bans formerly incarcerated people from specific jobs. Some states bar them from hundreds of jobs, often good-paying jobs. Today, the Alliance for a Just Society is releasing Jobs After Jail: Ending the Prison to Poverty Pipeline. The report analyzes the impact of policies that limit employment opportunities for people who have served jail or prison sentences. The findings underscore the urgency to "ban the box" in every state and at the federal level. However, the Jobs After Jail research also clearly shows the critical need to change the thousands of laws nationwide that restrict job opportunities, and keep families and communities struggling. A wide variety of jobs are barred, but depending on the state, they can include such work as a veterinarian, mortgage broker, or optometrist About 70 million people in the U.S have a felony or serious misdemeanor arrest or conviction that could impact their ability to find a job, locking a big part of our country out of stable, good-paying employment. Jobs After Jail includes first-person stories from formerly incarcerated people about the hurdles of finding a job, getting to work with restrictions on driving, checking "the box" on a college application, and juggling two or three low wage jobs to make ends meet. According to Jobs After Jail, nationwide there are more than 6,000 mandatory employment restrictions facing people who have served their sentence. "Our research shows that every state has jobs that formerly incarcerated people are banned from holding," said Allyson Fredericksen, the Alliance's policy analyst and author of the report. "Some states have more than 200 restricted jobs - and Louisiana has 389 restrictions. The result is a vast number of people who are sentenced to poverty." Recommendations from the report include: - Eliminate lifetime legislative bans to employment - Ban the box - the question about convictions on job applications. - Reform policies on court fines and fees and incarceration fees that leave people deep in debt after they are released. - Invest in businesses that pay high wages and employ formerly incarcerated people. Details: Seattle: Alliance for a Just Society, 2016. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 9, 2016 at: http://allianceforajustsociety.org/publications/publications-by-date/ Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://allianceforajustsociety.org/publications/publications-by-date/ Shelf Number: 138154 Keywords: Ex-offender EmploymentJobsPoverty |
Author: Sharples, Natalie Title: Honest Accounts? The true story of Africa's billion dollar losses Summary: The Global South is being drained of resources by the rest of the world and it is losing far more each year than it gains. Africa alone loses $192 billion each year to the rest of the world. This is mainly in profits made by foreign companies, tax dodging and the costs of adapting to climate change. Whilst rich countries often talk about the aid their countries give to Africa, this is in fact less than $30 billion each year. Even when you add this to foreign investment, remittances and other resources that flow into the continent, Africa still suffers an overall loss of $58 billion every year. The idea that we are aiding Africa is flawed; it is Africa that is aiding the rest of the world. This money that Africa loses each year is over one and half times the amount of additional money needed to deliver affordable health care to everyone in the world. If the rest of the world continues to raid Africa at the same rate, over the next 10 years $580 billion will be lost by the African people. Many of Africa's loses directly benefit rich countries. They are a result of policies and practices that drain Africa and keep its people in poverty. These include tax dodging, unfair trade policies and the practices of multinational companies, and the brain drain of skilled workers. Details: London: Health Poverty Action, 2015. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 16, 2016 at: https://www.healthpovertyaction.org/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2014/08/Honest-Accounts-report-web-FINAL.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Africa URL: https://www.healthpovertyaction.org/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2014/08/Honest-Accounts-report-web-FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 138264 Keywords: Economic CrimesPovertyTax Evasion |
Author: Schaffner, Laurie Title: Experiences of Youth in the Sex Trade in Chicago: Issues in Youth Poverty and Homelessness Summary: This study of youth engaged in the sex trade in Chicago, Ill. included interviews with over 200 young people, ages 13-24. The sample was composed of a considerable number of males - 47%, the highest percentage of male interviewees from any of the sites in the larger study. An additional 11% were trans female. The research team divided the city into three distinct sections and recruited participants from those areas: Northside, which they found to be a relatively "safe" neighborhood for young, African-American trans females and gay males; Southside, whose interview participants tended to be networked to those on the Northside (despite notable differences in neighborhood context); and Westside, where the team found there to be more pimps and adults controlling and monitoring the streets. Details: New York: Center for Court Innovation, 2016. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 11, 2016 at: http://www.courtinnovation.org/sites/default/files/documents/Chicago_0.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.courtinnovation.org/sites/default/files/documents/Chicago_0.pdf Shelf Number: 138996 Keywords: Homeless PersonsHomelessnessJuvenile ProstitutionJuvenile Sexual ExploitationPoverty |
Author: Danzer, Alexander M. Title: Coerced Labor in the Cotton Sector: How Global Commodity Prices (Don't) Transmit to the Poor Summary: This paper investigates the economic fortunes of coerced vs. free workers in a global supply chain. To identify the differential treatment of otherwise similar workers we resort to a unique exogenous labor demand shock that affects wages in voluntary and involuntary labor relations differently. We identify the wage pass-through by capitalizing on Tajikistan's geographic variation in the suitability for cotton production combined with a surge in the world market price of cotton in 2010/11 in two types of firms: randomly privatized small farms and not yet privatized parastatal farms, the latter of which command political capital to coerce workers. The expansion in land attributed to cotton production led to increases in labor demand and wages for cotton pickers; however, the price hike benefits only workers on entrepreneurial private farms, whereas coerced workers of parastatal enterprises miss out. The results provide evidence for the political economy of labor coercion and for the dependence of the economic lives of many poor on the competitive structure of local labor markets. Details: Bonn, Germany: Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA), 2016. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: IZA Discussion Paper no. 9971: Accessed June 8, 2016 at: http://ftp.iza.org/dp9971.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Tajikistan URL: http://ftp.iza.org/dp9971.pdf Shelf Number: 139316 Keywords: Forced LaborLabor PracticesPoverty |
Author: Harrison, Mariel Title: Wildlife Crime: A Review of the Evidence on Drivers and Impacts in Uganda Summary: Wildlife crime is an issue of considerable international concern. And with the recent increase in the illegal wildlife trade, and the increasing militarisation with which some kinds of wildlife crime are carried out, concern is growing. Poverty is often cited as a driver of wildlife crime, but wildlife crime, and responses to it, can also have negative impacts on poor people. Using Uganda as a case study, we review the evidence for the following potential linkages. Is poverty a driver of wildlife crime? What impacts does wildlife crime have on poor people? And what impacts do responses to wildlife crime have on poor people? Despite contradictory evidence, we conclude that poverty is one driver of wildlife crime among many, and that in general wildlife crime tends to have positive impacts on poor people who engage in it. Improved monitoring and evaluation would allow us to more confidently determine the impact of responses to wildlife crime on local people. Details: London: International Institute for Environment and Development, 2015. 142p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 8, 2016 at: http://pubs.iied.org/pdfs/17576IIED.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Uganda URL: http://pubs.iied.org/pdfs/17576IIED.pdf Shelf Number: 139322 Keywords: Illegal Wildlife Trade PovertyWildlife Crime |
Author: Rabuy, Bernadette Title: Detaining the Poor: How money bail perpetuates an endless cycle of poverty and jail time Summary: In addition to the 1.6 million people incarcerated in federal and state prisons, there are 646,000 people locked up in more than 3,000 local jails throughout the U.S. Seventy percent of these people in local jails are being held pretrial - meaning they have not yet been convicted of a crime and are legally presumed innocent. One reason that the unconvicted population in the U.S. is so large is because our country largely has a system of money bail, in which the constitutional principle of innocent until proven guilty only really applies to the well off. With money bail, a defendant is required to pay a certain amount of money as a pledged guarantee he will attend future court hearings.4 If he is unable to come up with the money either personally5 or through a commercial bail bondsman,6 he can be incarcerated from his arrest until his case is resolved or dismissed in court. Details: Northampton, MA: Prison Policy Initiative, 2016. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 10, 2016 at: http://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/DetainingThePoor.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/DetainingThePoor.pdf Shelf Number: 139359 Keywords: BailPovertyPretrial Detention |
Author: Friends International Title: Bangkok Street Children Profile Summary: Most beggars in Bangkok are not from Thailand. They are migrants from neighboring countries, such as Cambodia or Burma, who are drawn to the city's lucrative begging opportunities. These beggars must accept a high level of risk when they travel to Thailand; many are thrown in jail and then deported in a worse state than before. But the biggest issue arises when they bring their children to work on the streets with them. They are at risk of being abused and exploited, are often unhealthy and are in danger of being hit by cars or motorcycles. There are more than 20,000 street children in Thailand's major urban areas. In a single day, a child can earn 300 baht ($10) to 1,000 baht ($30) - much more than the amount a Cambodian or Burmese living in poverty makes back home. In Phnom Penh, for instance, scavenging rubbish all day will only earn a child 16 baht ($0.50). Cambodians make up around 80 percent of Thailand's child beggars. Cambodia is one of the poorest countries in the world and half of its population is children. Beggars who are from Thailand usually hail from the northeast Isan region, where 40 percent of the country's poor comes from. Their parents come to Bangkok to find work, usually as motorcycle taxi drivers or construction workers. When they have children, they realize they cannot afford to take care of them. Distrustful of the government-run orphanages, many simply abandon their children in the hands of babysitters, hoping they will find a home there. However, these children are often made to work on the streets to earn some money for their upkeep, according to chairwoman Darat Pitaksit of the Young Women's Christian Association (YMCA) in Bankok, an organization that works with underprivileged children. Because going to school is mandatory until the sixth grade, most Thai children manage to attend at least primary school. Secondary school attendance in Bangkok, however, drops by 20 percent. Despite it being the richest area of Thailand, rates of attendance are lower in Bangkok than anywhere else in the country because of the presence of migrant workers' children and the lifestyles they are made to lead. Contrary to common perception, these street children, both from Thailand and neighboring countries, do not fall into crime, drugs, or other illicit activity. "Thai children are raised to respect their elders," Pitaksit says. "In addition, the belief in karma helps them to be more accepting of their hardships in life." Similarly, Cambodian children would often rather beg on the streets than go to school, says Chantana Sueprom, a staff member of the UNICEF supported NGO Friends International. They feel it is their duty to help their parents earn money. Details: Phnom Penh, Cambodia: Friends-International, 2012. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 13, 2016 at: http://www.admcf.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2013/08/BangkokStreetChildrenProfile2012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Thailand URL: http://www.admcf.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2013/08/BangkokStreetChildrenProfile2012.pdf Shelf Number: 139423 Keywords: BeggingHomelessnessPovertyStreet Children |
Author: Zinecker, Heidrun Title: Violence in Peace: Forms and causes of postwar violence in Guatemala Summary: On 29 December, 1996 the conflict in Guatemala between the URNG, a leftist guerrilla organization, and the authoritarian state came to an end. With the implementation of the peace agreements and the completion of peace-building, Guatemala has without doubt taken an important step on the road to democracy. However, the country's regime does not guarantee a civilized life for its citizens. Even by Latin American standards, it permits an extremely high level of violence. This can be characterized as violence in peace. Although the rates of homicide conditioned by this violence are higher than those that prevailed during the civil war, there is no danger of a return to war. During the war political violence was the main cause of death, and violent crime has now taken its place. This report analyses three forms of postwar violence which are especially typical of Guatemala: political violence, the maras, and lynch law. It then goes on to examine their causes. In the course of this examination, a number of elements which are generally supposed to be causes of violence are excluded as causal factors: the perpetuation of a culture of violence or/and war-violence racism and ethnic exclusion, poverty, and inequality in the sense of a general distribution of income as measured by the Gini coefficient. In the next step, an alternative model of explanation is presented. This distinguishes between enabling structures which make violence possible and structures that might prevent it (with particular reference to the absence of preventive structures). The report identifies regime hybridity and a rent economy as structures that make violence possible, and investigates these structures in order to identify the concrete configurations which are immanent to the structures and cause violence. In the case of the rent economy, the specific structures identified are the especially pronounced bipolarity between the oligarchy and the lowest quintile of the population, new rents as outlets for oligarchical structures and catalysts of violence, low rates of investment, and a low level of empowerment of work. However, none of these structures is, on its own, a cause of the high intensity of violence; they form a complex system. The absence in Guatemala of a structure that could prevent violence can be identified in the poor performance of the security sector, i.e. the police and judiciary, and in the lack of democratic commitment on the part of civil society in this sector. This low level of performance is, in addition to political exclusion and the absence of the rule of law, a characteristic feature of regime hybridity. Although this report is a case study, it has an intrinsically comparative character. This is because the other Central American countries (El Salvador and Honduras with a higher, and Costa Rica and Nicaragua with a lower intensity of violence) form the matrix which renders visible the specificity of Guatemala. Nicaragua is of particular significance for this implicit comparison, because it is the only country in Central America that has experienced a civil war in the recent past but seen a low level of violence since the end of that war. The conclusion of the report identifies two ways in which violence, or the intensity of violence, can be limited in the long term. In the Costa Rican model, a low intensity of violence has been achieved directly, via a long historical path in which "Democracy - Performance + Democratic Content" is combined with "Social Market - Empowerment of Labour + Production of Investment Goods". In the Nicaraguan model, a low intensity of violence has been achieved indirectly but over a shorter period of time; here, there can be no doubt about the absence of democracy, and therefore the existence of regime hybridity, or the absence of a social market economy, and therefore the existence of a rent economy. The main finding of the report follows from the Nicaraguan model: the level of violence can be reduced even though ethnically based exclusion, poverty, and inequality (as measured by the Gini coefficient) are present, and even though a rent economy and regime hybridity are present as well. If violence is to be successfully reduced, it is necessary for the police and judiciary to be supported conceptually and practically in their efforts to prevent violence and to rehabilitate violent offenders, and to bring about improvements in criminal investigation practices, the support provided to victims, and consistent criminal justice policies. Development aid can help in all these areas. Simultaneously, measures must be taken to bring about the empowerment of civil society - which, however, should not mean the empowerment of vigilantism. In addition, the situation of the lowest quintile of the population should be improved in such a way that there is at least a prospect of relative socioeconomic egalitarianism. This can be done if smaller enterprises are strengthened so that they can serve as a counterweight to the ruling oligarchy, in the context of an improvement in the rate of investment in the production of investment goods. In this way it would be possible to reduce both the official level of unemployment and the concealed unemployment that exists in the informal sector, leading to the empowerment of work. These autochthonous policies are necessary for Guatemala, and they should be combined with the exertion of international political pressure on the USA's problematic policies on immigration, integration, and deportation. This should include the provision of support to Guatemala (as well as El Salvador and Honduras) for the integration of young people deported from the USA. This report presents the first systematic analysis of postwar violence in Guatemala. It is based on approximately 50 interviews with Guatemalan academics, politicians, police and judicial officers, Maya priests, and NGO activists, and also with violent offenders, all of whom were interviewed during a month-long period of field research in Guatemala in March 2006. Details: Frankfurt, Germany: Peace Research Institute Frankfurt, 2006. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: PRIF Reports No. 76: Accessed June 13, 2016 at: mercury.ethz.ch Year: 2006 Country: Guatemala URL: mercury.ethz.ch Shelf Number: 139425 Keywords: GangsHomicidesMarasPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeVigilantismViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Castner, Rebecca Title: Manufacturing Identities, Producing Poverty: Criminalizing Poor Women Through Welfare Fraud Summary: This dissertation makes crucial connections between poverty, welfare, race, and the penal system. There are several aspects to consider. The first is that w omen are made poor by inequitable governmental policies, practices, and relations. The second element is when they need help and seek assistance from the government, welfare does not pay enough to live on. Consequently, they are forced to break a welfare rule, in order to survive and keep their children alive. However, breaking a welfare rule can result in one or more felony counts, including perjury and welfare fraud. The third factor is that poor women and welfare moms are manufactured as criminal subjects through the media, welfare policies, and the public court documents amassed against women convicted of welfare fraud. After examining thirteen court case files of women convicted for welfare fraud in King County, Washington through a discourse analysis perspective, it was apparent that the welfare subject and the criminal subject were one and the same. Details: Seattle, WA: University of Washington, 2012. 210p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed July 11, 2016 at: https://digital.lib.washington.edu/researchworks/bitstream/handle/1773/20507/Castner_washington_0250E_10129.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: https://digital.lib.washington.edu/researchworks/bitstream/handle/1773/20507/Castner_washington_0250E_10129.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 139595 Keywords: Female Offenders PovertyWelfare Fraud |
Author: Musilli, Pietro Title: The Lawless Roads: An Overview of Turbulence Across the Sahel Summary: The political, economic and social crises that stretch across Africa's Sahel region are connected via trade routes that were established centuries ago. The Sahel is now the main area of conflict and desperate poverty on the continent, but with implications for countries thousands of miles away. For example, the conflict in Mali is undermining stability in oil- and gas-rich Nigeria and Algeria, respectively. The lack of jobs, education and health services is drawing more young people into a criminal-political economy. The links between drug lords and kidnappers, on the one hand, and opportunistic politicians and jihadists, on the other, mean that the proceeds of crime have become an important political resource. Civic leaders and independent activists in Mali say political dialogue and widely agreed reforms are necessary if this worsening social breakdown is to be stopped. They warn that attempts by the political class in Bamako, encouraged by Western governments, to organise a quick-fix election could reverse some of the tentative progress in recent months and prolong the conflict. Details: Oslo: Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre (NOREF), 2013. 9p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 25, 2016 at: http://www.peacebuilding.no/var/ezflow_site/storage/original/application/e2cc78a2ce149944b9a35b4ce42759b9.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Mali URL: http://www.peacebuilding.no/var/ezflow_site/storage/original/application/e2cc78a2ce149944b9a35b4ce42759b9.pdf Shelf Number: 139819 Keywords: Drug TraffickingJihadKidnappingsPolitical CorruptionPoverty |
Author: Richardson, Lydia Title: Armed violence and poverty in Brazil: A case study of Rio de Janeiro and assessment of Viva Rio for the Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative Summary: This report is the result of an 11-day visit to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in September 2004. Wider research and information were used to complement the stakeholder interviews held during this period. The objectives of the study were to: - Contribute to the UK Government Department for International Development- (DFID) funded Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative (AVPI) global research study on the links between armed violence and poverty. - Contribute to the AVPI global study on assessing and reviewing the impact of small arms and light weapons (SALW) projects on small arms availability/misuse and poverty. - Support the case study organisation (Viva Rio) with its internal reflection on strategy and impact. Causes of violence in Rio de Janeiro are multi-faceted. High levels of inequality and physical, social and economic exclusion from the formal system are some of the principle causes. This combines with cultural factors such as machismo and the draw of perceived higher social status and identity through joining gangs. The availability of guns, cocaine and the marijuana industry exacerbates the problem. The lack of an integrated public security strategy coupled with a violent and corrupt police, and a judiciary and prison system which is ineffective, are also contributing factors. The political and economic history of Brazil has played a part: the transition from dictatorship to democracy; rapid and unplanned urbanization; and shifts in labour market requirements to higher skill levels to meet new demands, resulting in high unemployment and frustration felt by those with some education but insufficient to secure a job in the formal economy. Perpetrators and victims of armed violence in Rio de Janeiro are primarily the police, drug traffickers (mainly young men of 14-29 years old), and civilians caught in the crossfire. Favelas are the main locations of gun violence but criminal violence does occur in other parts of the city. The principle type of armed violence is organised drug gang fighting for territorial control; police use of arms; armed robbery and petty crime. Details: Bradford, UK: University of Bradford, Centre for International Cooperation and Security, 2005. 49p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 6, 2016 at: http://bradscholars.brad.ac.uk:8080/bitstream/handle/10454/1000/AVPI_Rio_de_Janeiro.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Year: 2005 Country: Brazil URL: http://bradscholars.brad.ac.uk:8080/bitstream/handle/10454/1000/AVPI_Rio_de_Janeiro.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 140028 Keywords: Armed ViolenceDrug-Related ViolenceFavelasGun-Related ViolenceJuvenile GangsPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Hume, Mo Title: Armed violence and poverty in El Salvador: A mini case study for the Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative Summary: One of the most powerful conflicts to affect Central America in the 1980s was that in El Salvador (1980-1992), resulting in the death of more than 80,000 citizens. This report on El Salvador is one of 13 case studies (all of the case studies can be found at www.bradford.ac.uk/cics). This research draws upon secondary data sources including existing research studies, reports and evaluations commissioned by operational agencies, and early warning and survey data where this has been available. These secondary sources have been complemented by interviews with government officers, aid policymakers and practitioners, researchers and members of the local population. The analysis and opinions expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views or policy of DFID or the UK government Details: Bradford, UK: University of Bradford, Centre for International Cooperation and Security, 2004. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 6, 2016 at: https://core.ac.uk/download/files/10/6001.pdf Year: 2004 Country: El Salvador URL: https://core.ac.uk/download/files/10/6001.pdf Shelf Number: 140019 Keywords: Armed ViolenceDrug-Related ViolenceFavelasGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesJuvenile GangsPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Turner, Mandy Title: The Impact of Armed Violence on Poverty and Development. Full Report of the Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative Summary: This study examines the extent to which armed violence and small arms and light weapons (SALW) possession and usage, impoverishes individuals, groups, societies and states in various armed violence situations. The objective of the study is not only to advance and clarify understandings and knowledge in this area, which has been largely neglected in policy and research, but also to inform programme design and evaluation. In addition, it offers suggestions on how donors and agencies working in the field of armed violence/SALW and development can work better together to alleviate poverty. Details: Bradford, UK: University of Bradford, Centre for International Cooperation and Security, 2005. 99p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 6, 2016 at: https://bradscholars.brad.ac.uk/bitstream/handle/10454/1006/AVPI_Synthesis_Report.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2005 Country: International URL: https://bradscholars.brad.ac.uk/bitstream/handle/10454/1006/AVPI_Synthesis_Report.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 140020 Keywords: Armed ViolenceDrug-Related ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceJuvenile GangsPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Travers, Henry Title: Nature's stewards: how local buy-in can help tackle wildlife crime in Uganda Summary: High levels of illegal resource use in two of Uganda's national parks show the need to rethink current approaches to combatting wildlife crime. Our research suggests that more than 40 per cent of households living adjacent to the Queen Elizabeth and Murchison Falls national parks have been involved in illegal hunting within the past year, mostly to catch bushmeat for local sale and consumption. Most hunters do not typically target high value internationally traded species, but may occasionally kill them as 'bycatch.' Though rare, this phenomenon has a significant cumulative impact. Effectively tackling the root causes of illegal hunting will require longer-term and more focused engagement between the Uganda Wildlife Authority and communities. Local people and wildlife officials identified mitigating human-wildlife conflict, supporting sustainable livelihoods and increasing employment opportunities as promising avenues for further investigation. Details: London: International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), 2015. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Briefing: Accessed September 8, 2016 at: http://pubs.iied.org/pdfs/17354IIED.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Uganda URL: http://pubs.iied.org/pdfs/17354IIED.pdf Shelf Number: 140240 Keywords: Illegal HuntingIllegal Wildlife TradePovertyWildlife Crime |
Author: Goda, Thomas Title: Absolute Inequality and Violent Property Crime Summary: Rational choice models argue that income inequality leads to a higher expected utility of crime and thus generates incentives to engage in illegal activities. Yet, the results of empirical studies do not provide strong support for this theory; in fact, Neumayer provides apparently strong evidence that income inequality is not a significant determinant of violent property crime rates when a representative sample is used and country specific fixed effects are controlled for. An important limitation of this and other empirical studies on the subject is that they only consider proportional income differences, even though in rational choice models absolute difference in legal and illegal incomes determine the expected utility of crime. Using the same methodology and data as Neumayer, but using absolute inequality measures rather than proportional ones, this paper finds that absolute income inequality is a statistically significant determinant of robbery and violent theft rates. This result is robust to changes in sample size and to different absolute inequality measures, which not only implies that inequality is an important correlate of violent property crime rates but also suggests that absolute measures are preferable when the impact of inequality on property crime is studied. Details: Colombia: Center for Research in Economics and Finance (CIEF), 2016. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Center for Research in Economics and Finance (CIEF), Working Papers, No. 16-26: Accessed September 8, 2016 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2827788 Year: 2016 Country: International URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2827788 Shelf Number: 147907 Keywords: InequalityPovertyProperty CrimeRobberySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Joseph, Regina Title: Rio and the Reds: The Comando Vermelho, Organized Crime and Brazil's Economic Ascent Summary: Brazil‟s growing status as a potential world power cannot obscure the characteristics of its other reality: that of a country with vast inequalities and high crime rates. The Comando Vermelho, the most prominent organized crime syndicate in Rio de Janeiro, besieges the beauty and charm that attracts tourists to this city. The CV arose not only as a product of the political dictatorship of the seventies, but also of the disenfranchised urban poor crammed into Rio's favela slums. Today, the CV presents a powerful challenge to the State's control of parts of Rio territory. As Brazil‟s soft power projection grows, it is seriously challenged by its capacity to eliminate organized crime. Economic growth is not sufficient to destroy a deeply embedded organization like the CV. In fact, Brazil's success may yet further retrench the CV's activities. Culpability for organized crime cannot be merely limited to the gangs, but must also be shared among the willing consumers, among whom can be found educated and elite members of society, as well as the impoverished and desperate. The Brazilian government needs a top-down response addressing the schism between rich and poor. However, Brazil's citizens must also take responsibility and forge a bottom-up response to the drug- and corruption-riddled elements of its most respected members of society. Brazil must target reform across public health, housing, education and above all, law enforcement. Without such changes, Brazil will remain a two-track democracy. Rio's wealthy will still be able to revel in the city's beauty, albeit from behind armored cars and fortified mansions, while the city's poor will yield-either as victims or perpetrators-to the desperate measures of organized crime. Details: Miami: Florida International University, Western Hemisphere Security Analysis Center, 2011. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: Western Hemisphere Security Analysis Center. Paper 36: Student's Paper Series: Accessed October 6, 2016 at: http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1035&context=whemsac Year: 2011 Country: Brazil URL: http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1035&context=whemsac Shelf Number: 140585 Keywords: FavelasInequalityOrganized CrimePovertySocioeconomic Conditions and Crime |
Author: Nepal, Som Raj Title: From Margins to Mainstream: Through supplementary education and protection to the vulnerable children in slums of Kolkata, India Summary: he study specifically aims to explicate the processes of mainstreaming of life and education of vulnerable children in the marginalized slum community of Kolkata, India through the integrated approach of supplementary education and protection by a local NGO, IPER (Institute of Psychological and Educational Research). It also equally elucidates the methods and network used by IPER for integrated intervention in primary education and protection of vulnerable children, its holistic impact on the respective community and parents, and challenges of mainstreaming at local context. The research followed a qualitative approach with data triangulation methods to ensure validity and veracity. Participant observation, case studies and semi structured interviews were undertaken as primary data collection from the beneficiaries and sub-beneficiaries of IPER projects of education and protection. Relevant secondary data were obtained from internet, published and unpublished official records of the concerned organization, I/NGOs and journals related to the study-subject. The main findings suggest that universalization of education focusing on compulsory elementary education to those who were not benefitted by public schools have had substantially shaped in Kolkata due to NGOs driving initiatives and government-civil society partnership. The protection cum education intervention to those destitute children of slum and street by arranging individual sponsors or own resources under the aegis of IPER has not only helped to mainstream life and education but also brought the gross happiness in parents motivating them for further education of children. However the problems are in millions but the beneficiaries are in hundreds due to limited means and resources of NGOs and government. Moreover the weaknesses in governance in mapping the problem has resulted many difficulties for poor people to have easy access of education in own areas and negligence of public school's management and teachers towards education of children resulted high drop-out-of school children or discontinuity even at primary level. In addition, case studies of three educated and empowered youths of slums included in the report assure that it would be the best intervention in community if it was from the people of same community for which they were ready to take up community awareness and development tasks. Similarly another case study of a rescued domestic child labour shows the practical problems of social workers in the cases when social tradition dominates the existing laws. Details: Helsinki, Finland: Diaconia University of Applied Sciences, 2013. 103p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed October 20, 2016 at: https://www.theseus.fi/handle/10024/57167 Year: 2013 Country: India URL: https://www.theseus.fi/handle/10024/57167 Shelf Number: 140816 Keywords: At-Risk YouthDelinquency PreventionEducational ProgramsPovertySlums |
Author: American Civil Liberties Union of Texas Title: No Exit, Texas: Modern-Day Debtors' Prisons and the Poverty Trap Summary: A traffic ticket should sting. The fine should be enough to make you think twice before doing something like speeding again. But a traffic ticket shouldn’t derail your life—cost your job, make it impossible to pay your bills and feed your family, or deprive you of your freedom. Yet in Texas, for people too poor to write a check and move on with their lives, a simple traffic ticket leads to a cascade of unconstitutional and devastating consequences. For people who can’t afford their traffic tickets, Texas’s criminal justice system is like a maze with dead ends at every turn. Unreasonable fees pile up and stop people from paying off their debt. Judges require payment for a hearing about inability to pay. Courts are incentivized to issue warrants for failure to pay. And many people who can’t afford their fines are unconstitutionally jailed for what are legally defined as “non-jailable” offenses. The result is a two-tiered system of justice, in which the well-off get what amounts to a slap on the wrist, and the impoverished are stuck in a system where the only exit is debtors’ prison. This report discusses enforcement of Class C Misdemeanor fines and fees in Texas’s hundreds of Municipal and Justice of the Peace Courts. Practices vary, but our study of these local courts has uncovered a pattern of local courts criminalizing poverty, and perpetuating racial injustice, through unconstitutional enforcement of low-level offenses. It’s time for policymakers at every level of government to improve the fairness of sentencing for all Texans and put an end to these debtors’ prisons. Details: Houston: ACLU of Texas, 2016. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 21, 2016 at: https://www.aclutx.org/sites/default/files/field_documents/debtorsprisonfinal_0.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.aclutx.org/sites/default/files/field_documents/debtorsprisonfinal_0.pdf Shelf Number: 140219 Keywords: Criminal FeesCriminal FinesCriminal Justice DebtFinancial SanctionsIndigent DefendantsPoverty |
Author: Quattri, Maria Title: Child Labour and Education: A survey of slum settlements in Dhaka Summary: Urbanisation has powered Bangladesh’s development. But it has gone hand-in-hand with the rapid growth of urban slums marked by high levels of poverty and low levels of service provision. In these slums, child labour is rife. Child labour and education: a survey of slum settlements in Dhaka presents findings from one of the largest surveys on child work and education conducted in Bangladesh. ODI research found that 15% of 6 to 14-year-old children in Dhaka's slums were out of school and engaged in full-time work. Average working hours for these children were well beyond the 42-hour limit set by national legislation. The garments sector accounted for two thirds of female working children, raising serious concerns over garment exports and child labour. By the age of 14, almost half of children living in the slums of Dhaka were working. The research shows how early exposure to work and withdrawal from education are harmful to children. This report offers recommendations for coordinated, cross-sectoral policies to break the link between child labour, social disadvantage and restricted opportunities for education. Policies must be integrated to span the regulation of labour markets, education, child welfare and wider global strategies for poverty reduction – what we found in Dhaka is a microcosm of a global problem that should be at the centre of the international agenda. Details: London: Overseas Development Institute (ODI), 2016. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 16, 2016 at: https://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/resource-documents/11145.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Bangladesh URL: https://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/resource-documents/11145.pdf Shelf Number: 147763 Keywords: Child LaborChild WelfareEducationPovertySlums |
Author: American Civil Liberties Union of Nebraska Title: Unequal Justice: Bail and modern day debtors' prisons in Nebraska Summary: Over 30 years ago in Bearden v. Georgia, the United States Supreme Court issued a seminal ruling that to imprison someone because of their poverty and inability to pay a fine or restitution would be fundamentally unfair and violate the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Yet today, courts across the United States and Nebraska routinely imprison people because of their inability to pay. This practice has been termed a "modern-day debtors' prison." This practice happens at various points in the criminal justice system. First, it can happen to people who are awaiting trial. Individuals are forced to sit in jail while their case proceeds because a bail amount has been set beyond their ability to pay while those with financial resources regain their freedom to go to work, school and be with their families while awaiting trial. Second, some people who have been adjudicated and found guilty end up in jail even though they were not sentenced to jail time because they are unable to pay a fine and are imprisoned instead to “"it it out." The end result of these systems: a maze with dead-ends at every turn for low-income people. In this report, the ACLU of Nebraska presents the results of its investigation into Nebraska's modern-day "debtors' prisons" and bail practices. The report shows how, day after day, low-income Nebraskans are imprisoned because they lack the ability to pay bail or pay fines and fees. These practices are illegal, create hardships for those who already struggle, and are not a wise use of public resources. Debtors' prisons result in an often fruitless effort to extract payments from people who may be experiencing homelessness, are unemployed, or lack the ability to pay. The ACLU of Nebraska investigated the imposition of bail as well as the imposition of court fees and fines. Our survey focused on the four largest counties (Douglas, Lancaster, Sarpy and Hall), using open records requests, court record review, and interviews with people involved in the system with additional in-court observations in Douglas, Lancaster and Sarpy Counties. Details: Lincoln, NE: ACLU of Nebraska, 2016. 72p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 21, 2016 at: https://www.aclunebraska.org/sites/default/files/field_documents/unequal_justice_2016_12_13.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.aclunebraska.org/sites/default/files/field_documents/unequal_justice_2016_12_13.pdf Shelf Number: 147324 Keywords: BailCriminal FinesCriminal Justice DebtFinancial SanctionsPoverty |
Author: Giles, Margaret Title: Welfare and recidivism outcomes of in-prison education and training Summary: This report represents the final stage of a three-phase study of the project "Labour market outcomes of education and training during incarceration". The two earlier phases were the extraction of WA Department of Corrective Services (WADCS) prison and training data (Phase 1), and the extraction of Centrelink (CL) welfare data and the linkage of these data with the WADCS data (Phase 2). Analysis of the contribution of in-prison study to reduced recidivism and reduced welfare dependence (Phase 3) is reported here. Phase 1 of the overarching project involved the extraction of five years of prisoner data (including socio-demographics, offences and prison education and training information) from the WADCS. The data were then cleaned and sorted and a Linkage Key (based on 14 alpha-numeric characters take from surname, given name, date of birth and gender) was constructed. Descriptive statistics were produced. The data included prisoners who had been in prison at any time during the period 1 July 2005 to 30 June 2010 (Giles and Whale 2013). Phase 2 of the overarching project involved two steps. First, a subset of Centrelink welfare data (including a Linkage Key) was obtained from the Department of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations (DEEWR) on behalf of the Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs (FaHCSIA) which (then) managed Centrelink data. Next these data were merged with the WA prisoner education and training dataset constructed in Phase 1 to produce a comprehensive longitudinal dataset. This WA prisoner education and welfare dataset contains prisoner/ex-prisoner socio-demographics, offences, prison time, recidivism, study, and welfare reliance (Giles and Whale 2014). Phase 3 of the overarching project, summarised in this report, involved the analysis of the WA prisoner education and welfare dataset constructed in Phase 2 to examine the impact of in-prison study, and other factors, on recidivism and welfare use. The study tested different measures of recidivism, welfare dependence and in-prison study and, using multivariate regression and survival analysis techniques, the relative impacts of in-prison study on post-release outcomes. This report finds that prisoners choose to study if their most serious offence type is Economic Crime and if they were incarcerated earlier in the dataset period. Factors influencing the successful completion of classes are the prisoner being of nonAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander descent or male, the most serious offence type being an offence other than Economic Crime or the sentence type being Fine Default. Fewer prison terms or shorter prison terms can also contribute to all classes being successfully completed. Factors affecting up-skilling include the prisoner being non-Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander or from rural WA, with sentence type of Fine Default or most serious offence of Economic Crime. Fewer prison terms and longer sentences also contribute to up-skilling. Prisoners who enrol in Forklift Classes or Resources Courses are more likely to up-skill than other prisoners. How study in prison is measured is critical to estimating its influence on post-release outcomes such as recidivism and welfare dependence. Findings in this study include that prisoners who have up-skilled are less likely to recidivate (in terms of increased offence seriousness) and an increased number of successful classes will also reduce recidivism. In addition, ex-prisoners who are best able to remain in the community for longer have studied and successfully completed all their classes. Study also affects welfare dependence, in particular, receipt of unemployment benefits or student allowances. That is, the more classes that were successfully completed or involved up-skilling, the shorter time the ex-prisoners spent on welfare in the immediate post-release period. Although the study was constrained by the variables included in each of the contributing databases, the results confirm the usefulness of prison study generally in reducing reoffending and improving post-release outcomes. Future research could obtain additional data, such as self-report or verified education and employment information, verified physical and mental health status information, and learning disability diagnostic data, which have been shown, in the labour economics literature, to be important confounding factors for labour market participation and success. Details: Canberra: Criminology Research Advisory Council, 2016. 102p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2017 at: http://crg.aic.gov.au/reports/1516/33-1213-FinalReport.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Australia URL: http://crg.aic.gov.au/reports/1516/33-1213-FinalReport.pdf Shelf Number: 144923 Keywords: Correctional ProgramsPovertyPrison EducationRecidivismVocational Education and TrainingWelfare Recipients |
Author: Borraz, Fernando Title: Conditional Cash Transfers and Crime: Higher Income but also Better Loot Summary: We analyze the impact of conditional cash transfer programs on crime. We present evidence that welfare payments in cash significantly increase criminal activities. We exploit the exogenous increase in the payment and the number of beneficiaries given by a major reformulation of the CCT program in Uruguay. The increase in crime is exclusively observed in property crime suggesting the impact is driven by economic reasons. Our findings suggest that more cash available in the streets improves the loot from crime and thus increases the incentives for criminal activities Details: Montevideo, Uruguay: Centro de Economía, Sociedad y Empresa, IEEM Business School, Universidad de Montevideo, 2014. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 13, 2017 at: https://editorialexpress.com/cgi-bin/conference/download.cgi?db_name=ESWC2015&paper_id=2662 Year: 2014 Country: Uruguay URL: https://editorialexpress.com/cgi-bin/conference/download.cgi?db_name=ESWC2015&paper_id=2662 Shelf Number: 145023 Keywords: Conditional Cash TransfersPovertyProperty CrimeWelfare Payments |
Author: Cliffe, Lionel Title: Armed violence and poverty in Somalia: a case study for the Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative Summary: Somalia represents an extreme case. It has experienced a long period of insecurity and instability; its people have been subject to a wide range of armed violence. Following the overthrow of the military regime in 1991, it has experienced the longest period of statelessness of any country in modern history. A period of intense armed conflict for power between factions based around the clans that make up Somali society eventually gave way to an unresolved stalemate in the capital and the south-central areas. Fighting between smaller militia groups who preyed on the population has continued in most of these areas until the present. In the northeast and northwest a degree of security was slowly negotiated and these areas have enjoyed relative stability and the state-type administrations of Puntland and Somaliland, respectively, which offer examples of control of small arms and light weapons (SALW) and armed violence. The case thus allows for analysis of several stages and types of armed violence and of the context of statelessness, but also comparison of the different processes at work in areas of much greater or lesser armed violence and impoverishment. The Republic of Somalia that came into being in 1960 has been subject to intense armed violence for most of its existence (and before). It has experienced military coup, inter-state war, insurgencies, civil war and ‘institutionalised disorder’ and insecurity. Likewise, SALW, as well as heavy weapons, have been widely spread since colonial times and through these stages of violent conflict, supplied by cold war powers, neighbouring governments and an active illegal market. The contending parties in the period of crisis since any semblance of a state with a monopoly of means of violence disappeared in 1991 have included: • Factional militias, mainly clan-based • Business militias, forced into self-protection • Private security guards • Freelance armed groups (mooryan) The problem of SALW is often seen by those bidding for political power in a new Somalia and by international actors as their spread to ‘civilians’. In reality it is their possession by these armed groups that represents a threat now and to a future peace. Without alternative livelihoods there is no solution. However, the juxtaposition of critically insecure with stable regions, which were also awash with SALW, demonstrates that their availability alone is not a single explanatory ‘cause’ of impoverishment. Details: Bradford, UK: Centre of International Cooperation and Security, Department of Peace Studies, 2005. 31p. Source: Internet Resource:Accessed February 13, 2017 at: https://bradscholars.brad.ac.uk/bitstream/handle/10454/1002/AVPI_Somalia.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Year: 2005 Country: Somalia URL: https://bradscholars.brad.ac.uk/bitstream/handle/10454/1002/AVPI_Somalia.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 145769 Keywords: Armed ViolenceIllegal WeaponsMilitia GroupsPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and Crime |
Author: Fredericksen, Allyson Title: Debtors' Prisons Redux: How Legal Loopholes Let Courts Across the Country Criminalize Poverty Summary: Across the country, poverty itself has become a crime. A $150 traffic ticket can result in thousands of dollars in court-related debt, years in the criminal justice system, and even incarceration for those unable to pay. In the wake of the Great Recession, many state and local courts throughout the country have created debtors' prisons by using excessive fines and fees, private collection companies, and the threat of jail to collect from defendants. Many defendants are low-income and have committed offenses as minor as unpaid parking tickets. This resurgence of debtors' prisons is prohibited by the 14th amendment; it's unconstitutional to imprison individuals for debts they cannot pay. However, court systems across the country have found legal loopholes to effectively jail people for inability to pay and in some states, even restrict the voting rights of individuals too poor to pay off their criminal debt. This policy brief examines the increasingly common practice of county and municipal courts charging exorbitant fees and financial penalties against those who receive traffic citations and other low-level criminal infractions and the devastating effects this practice has on low-income racial and ethnic minorities, their families and their communities. Poor people face serious legal and financial consequences solely due to inability to pay, resulting in a two-tiered justice system. This report refers to the myriad of court-imposed costs, monetary sanctions and resulting debt as legal financial obligations, or LFOs. Many communities and organizations are working to fight back against this criminalization of poverty, and others are in a strong position to join the fight. Additionally, though, policy tools like limiting the amount of fees that can be added to citations, regulating debt collection companies, and preventing local governments from relying on revenue from fines and fees. Details: Seattle, WA: Alliance for a Justice Society, 2015. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 13, 2017 at: http://allianceforajustsociety.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/Debtors-Prisons-Redux-FINAL.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://allianceforajustsociety.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/Debtors-Prisons-Redux-FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 145771 Keywords: Court CostsCourt-Related DebtCriminal FeesCriminal Justice DebtPoverty |
Author: Martin, Karin D. Title: Shackled to Debt: Criminal Justice Financial Obligations and the Barriers to Re-entry They Create Summary: The authors discuss the long-term and unintended consequences of criminal justice financial obligations (CJFOs): fines, forfeiture of property, court fees, supervision fees, and restitution. The authors find that CJFOs are imposed at multiple stages of justice involvement, generating complexities that are difficult to navigate for both individuals and system actors alike. Additionally, financial sanctions are usually imposed without regard for individuals' ability to pay, and yet failure to pay can trigger additional monetary and criminal sanctions. This means that relatively minor initial infractions can result in large debt accrual and escalating involvement in criminal justice systems. Current systems of criminal justice financial obligations can also generate perverse incentives for justice-involved individuals - who may forego pursuing long-term sustainability in favor of being able to pay off their criminal justice debt quickly – and for system actors. Probation and parole officers, for example, may find that their ability to foster trust and positive behavior change in the lives of those they supervise is compromised by the role of debt collector. Consequences of criminal justice debt can undermine post-incarceration re-entry goals such as finding stable housing, transportation and employment. Failure to achieve these goals is costly not only for justice-involved individuals, but also in terms of public safety outcomes. To address the complexity, perverse incentives, and individual and social costs of CJFOs, the report presents recommendations in seven areas: (1) Factor in ability to pay when assessing CJFOs; (2) Eliminate “poverty penalties” (e.g. interest, application fees for payment plans, late fees, incarceration for failure to meet payments); (3) Implement alternatives to monetary sanctions where appropriate (i.e. community service); (4) Provide amnesty for people currently in debt due to CJFOs; (5) Deposit any CJFOs that are collected into a trust fund for the express purpose of rehabilitation for people under supervision; (6) Establish an independent commission in each jurisdiction to evaluate the consequences of CJFOs; and (7) Relieve probation, parole, and police officers of the responsibility of collecting debt. Details: Cambridge, MA: Harvard Kennedy School, Program in Criminal Justice Policy and Management, 2017. Source: Internet Resource: New Thinking in Community Corrections, no. 4: Accessed February 15, 2017 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/249976.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/249976.pdf Shelf Number: 140932 Keywords: Asset ForfeitureCourt FeesCriminal DebtCriminal Justice FinesFinancial SanctionsMonetary SanctionsPovertyPrisoner ReentryRestitution |
Author: CNDH Mexico Title: Adolescentes: Vulnerabilidad y Violencia Summary: This report Examines the impact of poverty, social disorganization, and the influence of peers and adults that encourage crime and violence among juveniles in Mexico. It consists of interviews who explain how and why they became involved in organized crime. Details: Mexico: CNDH, 2016. 188p. Source: Internet Resource: Informe Especial: Accessed February 17, 2017 at: http://www.cndh.org.mx/sites/all/doc/Informes/Especiales/Informe_adolescentes_20170118.pdf (In Spanish) Year: 2016 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.cndh.org.mx/sites/all/doc/Informes/Especiales/Informe_adolescentes_20170118.pdf Shelf Number: 147326 Keywords: AdolescentsJuvenile OffendersJuvenile ViolenceOrganized CrimePovertySocial DisorganizationSocioeconomic Conditions and Crime |
Author: Taheri-Keramati, Yashar Title: Drugs, Police Inefficiencies, and Gangsterism in Violently Impoverished Communities like Overcome Summary: This research establishes an understanding of the relationship between gangsterism, the drug commodity and inefficiencies in the state's policing institution, as well as the consequences of this relationship, in the context of Overcome squatter area in Cape Town. Overcome is representative of other violently impoverished Cape Town communities with its high rate of unemployment, low quality of education, domestic abuse, stagnant housing crisis, lack of access to intellectual and material resources or opportunities for personal growth, gangsterism, inefficient policing, substance-dependency, and violence. This research demonstrates that the current relationship between the gangs, drugs and the police fosters an unpredictable, violent environment, leaving residents in a constant state of vulnerability. The argument is developed around three key historical junctures in the development of organized crime in South Africa, starting with the growth of the mining industry in the Witwatersrand after 1886, followed by forced removals and prohibition like policies in Cape Town circa 1970, and finally the upheaval created around transition away from apartheid in 1994. Research for this paper was both quantitative and qualitative in nature, and included expert interviews on the subjects of police criminality, narcotic sales, and gangsterism. Newspapers articles, crime statistics, books, census figures, and a host of journals were also utilized. Upon reviewing a host of police inefficiencies and criminal collusions, the research concludes that public criminals related to the state, such as police, and private criminals, such as gangsters, work together in a multitude of ways in a bid to acquire wealth, most notably through an illicit drug market today dominated by 'tik'. It is shown that this violent narcotics market binds police and gangsters together at the expense of creating a state of insecurity for those living in poor drug markets. Details: Cape Town: University of Cape Town, 2013. 73p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed March 6, 2017 at: https://open.uct.ac.za/bitstream/item/3536/thesis_hsf_2013_taheri-keramati_y.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2013 Country: South Africa URL: https://open.uct.ac.za/bitstream/item/3536/thesis_hsf_2013_taheri-keramati_y.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 141342 Keywords: Drug marketsDrug-Related ViolenceGangsOrganized CrimePovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Mungin, Douglas Title: There's a Skid Row Everywhere and This is Just the Headquarters: Impacts of Urban Revitalization Policies in the Homeless Community of Skid Row Summary: This dissertation tracks the historical shift from containment strategies for managing homeless populations in Skid Row to current strategies of using police and the penal system to periodically sweep the street of these unwanted bodies. This shift hinges on the construction of homelessness as a crisis requiring immediate and ongoing intervention. First, the state produces and reproduces homelessness as a state of crisis by withdrawing or denying support and public services and disallowing alternative, subsistence modes of survival. Then, it issues the performative utterance of the area as unclean or unsanitary. Developers and city officials mobilize the police to erase a visible presence of homeless bodies from the area. The "crisis" of homelessness, variously constructed as an issue of urban aesthetics, public health, and crime, enables public policy to be made on the fly. These policies have uniformly favored economic development at the expense of the needs of homeless persons and communities. The performative state needs the homeless to legitimate state intervention on behalf of developers. In this dissertation, I demonstrate how the racialized rhetorics of thanatology and revitalization have been used to construct homelessness as a crisis for the city in a manner that positions the homeless as threats to the life of the city. According to this rhetoric, it is cities that have economic vitality worth protecting and homeless people who act as an unwanted and degenerate economic species threatening their financial fitness, health, and well-being. I argue that the performative state produces homelessness as a material state of crisis and rhetorically constructs homelessness as a crisis legitimating intervention on the part of the state. The dissertation is organized according to the various ways in which homelessness has been constructed as a crisis warranting intervention: urban aesthetics, homelessness and practices of poverty as an eyesore (Chapter 2), public safety and crime prevention à la the broken windows theory (Chapter 3), and the economic vitality of the international city (Chapter 4). This dissertation seeks to explore the stakes across various constructions of the existence of the homeless population and their practices of poverty. Details: Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, 2016. 250p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed March 7, 2017 at: http://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2692&context=gradschool_dissertations Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2692&context=gradschool_dissertations Shelf Number: 141370 Keywords: Homeless PersonsHomelessnessPovertySkid RowUrban Areas and Crime |
Author: Hunter, Marcena Title: Follow the Money: Financial Flows Linked to Artisanal and Small-Scale Gold Mining in Sierra Leone: A Case Study Summary: Artisanal and small-scale gold mining (ASGM) has largely been dismissed as an economically insignificant, subsistence based activity in Sierra Leone. This is in sharp contrast to the artisanal diamond sector, which has historically been seen as a much more significant livelihood option. As one Mining Ministry agent stated: it's different with diamonds, you understand. If you are in diamonds, you want the license, because it's worth so much. But with gold, not so much: it's small and quick and just for survival. However, an investigation into the sector reveals that Sierra Leone's ASGM sector is not only active and vibrant, but also generating significant economic value. Despite government and civil society efforts at formalisation, Sierra Leone's ASGM remains largely in the informal sector. Investigations reveal most of Sierra Leone's gold never enters the formal supply chains within its borders. Rather, gold is mined, bought, sold and exported through informal networks that only occasionally and selectively intersect with formal supply and value chains prior to crossing the border. Consequently, the country records minimal gold exports and the Government of Sierra Leone (GoSL) reaps little benefit from the gold sector through formal channels of taxation. This is not to say the sector is not benefitting the people of Sierra Leone. ASGM is providing rural communities a critical livelihood option across Sierra Leone. Sierra Leone registers some of the most challenging development and poverty statistics in the entire world, ranking 181 out of 188 countries on the Human Development Index. The Ebola crisis (2014 - 2016) seriously exacerbated these challenges, extracting a massive socio-economic toll on the country. ASGM has evolved in this context as a strong economic magnet, drawing in old stakeholders and new entrants alike. In addition, ASGM plays a vital economic function in many communities, providing investment opportunities, an economic social safety net, an avenue to social mobility, and contributing to local economic growth. While a number of positive attributes can be linked to ASGM in Sierra Leone, the informality of the sector also results in undesirable outputs and impacts including: value from the ASGM sector is not equitably distributed; evidence of bribery and corruption of traditional and government officials; negligible protections against environmental degradation; and opportunity for money laundering and criminal exploitation. In turn, while there are a number of short-term benefits to informality, persistent informality has the potential to undermine long-term development and governance aims. The informality of Sierra Leone's gold sector is perpetuated and exacerbated by downstream illicit financial flows (IFFs). Defined as 'money illegally earned, transferred or used', IFFs are paradoxically dualistic. On the one hand, IFFs linked to ASGM serve a critical economic function, fuelling an informal sector which plays an important role in poverty alleviation and economic development in Sierra Leone. On the other hand, IFFs are facilitating complicated layers of exploitation and victimisation by opportunistic actors along the value chain. In the Sierra Leonean context, many upstream financial transactions (i.e. those which take place at the mine site) are better characterised as informal transactions, while those that take place further downstream (i.e. the buying and selling of smuggled gold) are IFFs. Upstream actors who engage in IFFs tend to reinvest profits back into the ASGM sector, thus perpetuating supply chains and financial relationships reliant on informal and illicit activity at all levels. In turn, IFFs are a bulwark against ASGM sector formalisation efforts in Sierra Leone. Any attempt must acknowledge the complex nature and impacts of IFFs if they are to hope to be successful without further marginalizing vulnerable populations. Without appreciating the extent and efficiency of ASGM and related IFFs to meet local economic needs, formalisation efforts will fail to replace them, and at worst could have devastating consequences. As a government agent stated, gold mining is a livelihood activity, so it is difficult to strongly enforce laws that are perceived to be harmful to local people (GOV080716c). Details: Geneva: Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime, 2017. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 8, 2017 at: http://globalinitiative.net/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/sierra-leone_06.03.17.compressed.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Sierra Leone URL: http://globalinitiative.net/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/sierra-leone_06.03.17.compressed.pdf Shelf Number: 146411 Keywords: Financial CrimesGold MiningIllicit GoldMoney LaunderingOrganized CrimePovertySmugglingSocioeconomic Conditions and Crime |
Author: Buitrago, Katie Title: Cycle of Risk: The Intersection of Poverty, Violence and Trauma Summary: People living in poverty are more likely to become victims of violent crime than higher income earners whether they live in cities, suburbs or rural areas, but the rural poor experience crime at higher rates, according to a Wednesday report by a Chicago research group. Chicago is currently facing a devastating surge in lethal violence in addition to staggering rates of poverty across Illinois. Policymakers and community leaders are struggling with finding short- and long-term solutions to stem the violence and allow neighborhoods to heal. In the meantime, communities are fearing for their own safety and grieving over lost parents, children, friends, and leaders every day. The stakes for getting the solutions right could not be higher. Poverty and violence often intersect, feed one another, and share root causes. Neighborhoods with high levels of violence are also characterized by high levels of poverty, lack of adequate public services and educational opportunity, poorer health outcomes, asset and income inequality, and more. The underlying socioeconomic conditions in these neighborhoods perpetuate both violence and poverty. Furthermore, trauma can result from both violence and poverty. Unaddressed trauma worsens quality of life, makes it hard to rise out of poverty by posing barriers to success at school and work, and raises the likelihood of aggressive behavior. In this way, untreated trauma - coupled with easy gun availability and other factors - feeds the cycle of poverty and violence. In last year's Report on Illinois Poverty: Racism's Toll (2016), we explored the persistent inequity caused by racially discriminatory policies and practices. Many of those themes are critically important to this discussion as well, especially given how the American justice system has been used to systemically deny opportunities and rights to people of color. A past and living legacy of segregation and the perpetuation of racial inequity today have led people and communities of color to experience poverty at higher rates than whites. The harmful policies and practices explored in last year's report have stripped resources and opportunities from many of the communities that are grappling with violence today. Through this report we make the case that, in addition to rapid responses, we must also take a long-term approach to reducing violence. The causes of violence are complex, systemic, and long-standing - and we must take a comprehensive approach to address them effectively. Importantly, we must be cautious that efforts at short- or long-term reform do not perpetuate the very inequities and conditions that have led to violence in our communities. Details: Chicago: Heartland Alliance, 2017. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 6, 2017 at: https://www.heartlandalliance.org/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/CycleofRisk2017.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.heartlandalliance.org/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/CycleofRisk2017.pdf Shelf Number: 144724 Keywords: Gun ViolenceHomicidesNeighborhoods and CrimePovertyRacial DiscriminationSocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeVictims of CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Kejerfors, Johan Title: Parenting in Urban Slum Areas: Families with Children in a Shantytown of Rio de Janeiro Summary: This is a study of parenting and child development in a slum area in a developing part of the world. The aims of the study were threefold. The first aim was to explore the physical and social contexts for parenting in a shantytown in Rio de Janeiro using an ecological perspective. The second aim was to examine parenting and subsequent child outcomes among a sample of families living in the shantytown. The third aim was to explore what factors contribute to differences among parents in how they nurture and protect their children. The theoretical framework of the study was an updated version of Bronfenbrenner's bioecological model of human development. Using self-report questionnaires developed by Rohner, data on perceived parental acceptance-rejection were collected from 72 families with adolescents 12-14 years old, representing approx. 75% of all households with children in this age group in the shantytown. Besides self-report questionnaires, each adolescent's main caregiver replied to several standardized questionnaires developed by Garbarino et al., eliciting demographic and social- situational data about the family, neighborhood, and wider community. The results of the study paint a complex portrait of the social living conditions of the parents and children. Despite many difficulties, most parents seemed to raise their children with loving care. The results from the self-report questionnaires indicate that the majority of the adolescents perceived substantial parental acceptance. The adolescents' experience of greater or lesser parental acceptance-rejection seems to influence their emotional and behavioral functioning; it also seems to be related to their school attendance. Much of the variation in degree of perceived acceptance-rejection seems to be related both to characteristics of the individual adolescents and their main caregiver(s) and to influences from the social and environmental context in which they and their caregivers interact and live their lives. Details: Stockholm: Stockholm University Department of Social Work, 2007. 246p. Source: Internet Resource: Studies in International Social Work, 1651-0291 ; 7Accessed April 21, 2017 at: http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:197529/FULLTEXT01.pdf Year: 2007 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:197529/FULLTEXT01.pdf Shelf Number: 145066 Keywords: At-Risk YouthParentingPovertySlumsSocioeconomic Conditions |
Author: Texas Appleseed Title: Pay or Stay: The High Cost of Jailing Texans for Fines and Fees Summary: For low-income Texans, a ticket for a minor offense like speeding, jaywalking, or having a broken headlight can lead to devastating consequences for the individual, as well as that person's family and community. If someone is unable to pay a ticket right away, the cost compounds over time, often resulting in more tickets, fines and fees. Failing to pay or to appear in court can lead to an arrest warrant and jail time. Current practices often result in the suspension of, and inability to renew, driver's licenses, as well as the inability to register vehicles. They also result in millions of arrest warrants being issued annually. When people are picked up on a warrant for failure to pay tickets, fines and fees, they are often booked into jail and made to pay off their debt with jail credit, usually at a rate of $50 to $100 a day. These practices are widespread - over 230,000 Texans are unable to renew expired licenses until their fines and fees are paid off, and about 1 in 8 fine-only misdemeanor cases are paid off in whole or in part with jail credit. Low-income Texans are being set up to fail by the way fines and fees are handled, and they are often driven deeper into poverty. Suspending a person's driver's license makes it illegal to drive to work; issuing an arrest warrant can make it nearly impossible for to find employment; and sending that person to jail can lead to the loss of a job and housing. The public's safety is harmed when low-risk people languish in jail. This system hurts Texas families and drains our public resources at great expense to taxpayers. In many cases, the current system also violates state and federal law. The United States Supreme Court has held that incarcerating somebody because of unpaid fines or fees without a hearing to determine if they are actually able to pay the fines and fees violates the Equal Protection and Due Process clauses of the 14th Amendment. Texas state statute also makes clear that a person cannot be jailed for unpaid fines when the nonpayment was due to indigence. Details: Austin, TX: Texas Appleseed, 2017. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 22, 2017 at: https://www.texasappleseed.org/sites/default/files/PayorStay_Report_final_Feb2017.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.texasappleseed.org/sites/default/files/PayorStay_Report_final_Feb2017.pdf Shelf Number: 145165 Keywords: Criminal FeesCriminal FinesCriminal Justice DebtFinancial SanctionsPoverty |
Author: Ingram, Matthew C. Title: Geographies of Violence: A Spatial Analysis of Five Types of Homicide in Brazil's Municipalities Summary: Objectives: Examine the spatial distribution of five types of homicide across Brazil's 5,562 municipalities and test the effects of family disruption, marginalization, poverty-reduction programs, environmental degradation, and the geographic diffusion of violence. Methods: Cluster analysis and spatial error, spatial lag, and geographically-weighted regressions. Results: Maps visualize clusters of high and low rates of different types of homicide. Core results from spatial regressions show that some predictors have uniform or stationary effects across all units, while other predictors have uneven, non-stationary effects. Among stationary effects, family disruption has a harmful effect across all types of homicide except femicide, and environmental degradation has a harmful effect, increasing the rates of femicide, gun-related, youth, and nonwhite homicides. Among non-stationary effects, marginalization has a harmful effect across all measures of homicide but poses the greatest danger to nonwhite populations in the northern part of Brazil; the poverty-reduction program Bolsa Familia has a protective, negative effect for most types of homicides, especially for gun-related, youth, and nonwhite homicides. Lastly, homicide in nearby communities increases the likelihood of homicide in one's home community, and this holds across all types of homicide. The diffusion effect also varies across geographic areas; the danger posed by nearby violence is strongest in the Amazon region and in a large section of the eastern coast. Conclusions: Findings help identify the content of violence-reduction policies, how to prioritize different components of these policies, and how to target these policies by type of homicide and geographic area for maximum effect. Details: Notre Dame, IN: The Kellogg Institute for International Studies, University of Notre Dame, 2015. 65p. Source: Internet Resource: Kellogg Institute for International Studies, Working Paper Series: #405: Accessed April 29, 2017 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2604096 Year: 2015 Country: Brazil URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2604096 Shelf Number: 145194 Keywords: Crime AnalysisFemicideGeographical AnalysisHomicidesMurdersPovertySpatial AnalysisViolent Crime |
Author: Dammert, Ana C. Title: Effects of Public Policy on Child Labor: Knowledge, Gaps, and Implications for Program Design Summary: While progress has been made over the past decade, there is still much to learn about the effects of public policy on the labor participation of many children in developing countries. Policy instruments can be used to address or affect child labor, even if they are implemented to achieve other objectives. From a theoretical point of view, however, the impact of these policies on child labor is undetermined. This paper discusses the evidence generated by rigorous evaluations on the impact on child labor of labor market programs, conditional and unconditional transfers, and microcredit, among other social programs and interventions. The study finds that although transfer programs generally tend to reduce child labor, other policies risk increasing child labor, especially if they affect households' productive opportunities. The findings also point to knowledge gaps that should be addressed in future evaluations. Details: Washington, DC : World Bank, Development Research Group, Impact Evaluation Team, 2017. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Research Working Paper 7999; Accessed May 3, 2017 at: http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/108841488913017526/pdf/WPS7999.pdf Year: 2017 Country: International URL: http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/108841488913017526/pdf/WPS7999.pdf Shelf Number: 145256 Keywords: Child Labor PovertyPublic Policy |
Author: Siegel, Aaron Title: https://university.pretrial.org/viewdocument/inconsistent-justice-the-effect-of Summary: As of 2014, approximately 60% of adult inmates in jail were not yet convicted of a crime, but were merely awaiting trial (Minton and Zeng 2015). Recent developments in the literature on pretrial detention have confirmed its significant negative effects on case outcomes and access to public benefits. This raises the obvious question of why so many individuals are being incarcerated as they await trial. In this paper, I use over 100,000 court records from Philadelphia to answer this question by examining the extent to which bail magistrates take into account defendant income (and thus a defendant's ability to pay). Using several different income proxies, I find that bail magistrates are more likely to release wealthier defendants without requiring them to pay bail. Conditional on setting a positive bail amount, less than half of bail magistrates are taking into account defendant income when they set bail. I also find significant variation across bail magistrates in the level of bail set. Extraneous factors such as the time of day and the position of a defendant's bail hearing within a bail magistrate's shift affect the bail amount set for that defendant. To the best of my knowledge, this paper represents one of the first attempts to estimate empirically the effect of defendant income on bail amount and the first to quantify variation across magistrates and the effect of extraneous factors. Details: Cambridge, MA: Harvard College, 2017. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 4, 2017 at: https://university.pretrial.org/viewdocument/inconsistent-justice-the-effect-of Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://university.pretrial.org/viewdocument/inconsistent-justice-the-effect-of Shelf Number: 145257 Keywords: Bail PovertyPretrial Detention Pretrial Release |
Author: Lawyer's Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area Title: Paying More for Being Poor: Bias and Disparity in California's Traffic Court System Summary: California's traffic fines and fees are some of the highest in the country, and new data shows that current California policies disproportionately impact people of color. This report looks at the most recent information available on California's current traffic court system, evaluates its impact on communities of color, examines the statewide fiscal impacts of these policies and practices, and offers some recommendations for how California could improve its traffic court system to become a national model for change. Californians who cannot afford to pay a fine for a traffic citation face harsher consequences than those who can: some Californians mail in a payment, while those who cannot pay experience license suspension, arrest, jail, wage garnishment, towing of their vehicles, and job loss - for the same minor offenses. In 2015, the California Department of Motor Vehicles reported that over 4 million driver licenses had been suspended in recent years for failure to pay or appear on a citation - affecting about one in six California drivers. In April 2017, a DMV point-in-time count showed that 588,939 Californians had lost their licenses because they could not pay or appear in court. To address this significant toll on Californians, Governor Jerry Brown signed an 18-month California Traffic Tickets / Infractions Amnesty Program that reduced fines on pre-2013 traffic tickets by 80% for indigent applicants and allowed people to get on payment plans to get their licenses back. The program allowed nearly 200,000 people to regain their driver licenses. That program ended in April 2017. California now faces the question of what to do next. With the expiration of the amnesty program, there is no longer a pathway by which people who cannot afford to pay fines may pursue license reinstatement. Californians lose the ability to drive legally as a punishment for being unable to pay a fine without any statewide system to make the punishment fit a person's ability to pay or to return a license if the person can make small payments. California has the opportunity to create permanent reforms to this inequitable system. In this report, we present data about the scope of the problem with license suspensions and traffic courts in California and offer some recommendations for policy solutions. We focused our research in the nine Bay Area counties and created fiscal analyses for statewide policy. Findings of note include: California traffic fines and fees are some of highest in country. Although the base fines for California Vehicle Code violations may be lower or comparable to many other states', the add-on fees - and particularly the $300 late penalty - make California one of the states with the steepest fines. 78% of Californians need a driver license to work or to get to work, which means California's current policy of suspending licenses for non-payment is putting at risk the ability of many California families to support themselves. In Bay Area counties, license suspension for failure to pay or appear is exacerbating the racial bias already present in traffic stops. As data show, people of color are more likely to be subjected to traffic stops. Once stopped, people of color are also more likely to be booked on arrests related to failure to appear or failure to pay. The available county-level data shows that African-American people in particular are four to sixteen times more likely to be booked on arrests related to failure to pay an infraction ticket. Even though traffic court is the most common point of contact with the court system - 60% of all court filings statewide are traffic or infraction citations - it is very difficult for someone who cannot afford to pay the full amount to resolve a ticket. None of the nine Bay Area counties surveyed had information about alternative options for low-income people on their websites, available by phone, or in person at the court clerk's office. Details: San Francisco: The Committee, 2017. 61p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 5, 2017 at: https://www.lccr.com/wp-content/uploads/LCCR-Report-Paying-More-for-Being-Poor-May-2017.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.lccr.com/wp-content/uploads/LCCR-Report-Paying-More-for-Being-Poor-May-2017.pdf Shelf Number: 145317 Keywords: BiasFines and FeesPovertyRacial DiscriminationTraffic Fines |
Author: Crumpton, C. David Title: Assessing School Attendance Problem and Truancy Intervention in Maryland: A Synthesis of Evidence from Baltimore City and the Lower Eastern Shore Summary: The Maryland Judiciary shares responsibility with Maryland's Executive Branch and local school systems in enforcing the state's mandatory school attendance and truancy laws. An innovation to address the truancy issue was introduced in 2004 when the General Assembly authorized the establishment of the Truancy Reduction Pilot Program (TRPP) in the First Judicial Circuit comprised of four counties located on Maryland's Lower Eastern Shore. The authorizing legislation also required the Judiciary to perform an evaluation of the program. This initiative stimulated an intensive process of policy and program analysis by the Judiciary concerning the most appropriate, efficient and effective roles of courts and judges in responding to truancy. This effort was given additional impetus as the result of the State Justice Institute's (SJI) award of a grant to the Judiciary in 2008. Under the SJI grant, the Administrative Office of the Courts (AOC) evaluated three alternative approaches to truancy intervention in Baltimore City and the First Judicial Circuit (including TRPP), assessed the context of truancy in Baltimore City and the First Judicial Circuit and synthesized the findings from this research to support an assessment of the school attendance and truancy intervention policy and program framework from the perspective of the Judiciary. The current report represents this synthesis. The Maryland programs discussed in this report represent a continuum of court involvement, with no judicial presence in BSMART, participation of judges in an unofficial capacity in TCP, and judges exercising their full authority in TRPP. Process and outcome evaluations provide some level of support for continuing the BSMART, TCP, and TRPP interventions. Research has shown that truancy is related to a number of negative social and behavioral outcomes, including poor school performance, high dropout rates, and increased involvement in juvenile and adult criminal behavior. Truancy is typically caused by factors from four levels: the individual, the family, the school, and the neighborhood and community. Recommended approaches to reducing truancy emphasize family involvement, interagency collaboration, provision of services that address the needs of students and their families, and incentives and sanctions. The contextual analysis provided documentation of the levels of truancy in school districts across Maryland and the relationship of truancy levels to other variables. Qualitative information provided by respondents involved in school attendance issues in the study jurisdictions mirrored the national perspective that truancy is related to a complex, multi-level set of factors and requires holistic solutions. Statewide in Maryland, 2.25% of students (or roughly 20,000 students) were identified as habitually truant during the 2009-2010 school year because they were absent without a valid excuse for more than 20% of school days. The rate of habitual truancy varies by jurisdiction. Among the jurisdictions that are the focus of this report, the counties on the Lower Eastern Shore (Dorchester, Somerset, Wicomico, and Worcester) have habitual truancy rates ranging from 0.29% to 1.49%, whereas Baltimore City has a habitual truancy rate of 8.00%. Although the overall rates for the counties on the Lower Eastern Shore are relatively low, in three of the four counties, truancy rates in individual schools exceeded the state average. Analysis of data across Maryland school systems revealed the following relationships between truancy and other variables: strong positive correlations between rates of habitual truancy and dropout rates, African American students as a percentage of school enrollment, special education students as a percentage of school enrollment, and teen birth rates strong negative correlations between rates of habitual truancy and white students as a percentage of school enrollment and percentages of adults in the community who are high school graduates moderate positive correlation between rates of habitual truancy and poverty rates weak positive correlation between rates of habitual truancy and percent of children living in poverty weak negative correlation between rates of habitual truancy and median household incomes no significant correlation between rates of habitual truancy and unemployment rates or rates of referrals for juvenile delinquency With a few exceptions, Baltimore City and the counties on the Lower Eastern Shore rank among the highest in the state in those variables for which positive correlations with truancy were found (e.g., dropout rates, poverty levels, and teen birth rates) and among the lowest in the state in those variables that have negative correlations with truancy (e.g., median household income and high school completion rates). Knowledgeable informants, including parents, school officials, legal officials, and service providers, identified the following factors as contributing to truancy problems in the five study jurisdictions: impact of poverty, value placed on education, individual needs of children, inadequate monitoring, transportation challenges, safety, and family difficulties, While acknowledging the need to hold parents accountable, respondents generally favored non-punitive solutions to truancy that address the needs of families. The Dropout Prevention Resource Guide published by the Maryland State Department of Education identifies 265 initiatives in Maryland schools that address many of the issues that can impact school attendance. These initiatives include alternative programs, alternative school schedules, alternative schools, attendance accountability, clinical interventions, community service, enhanced counseling, graduation preparation, holistic intervention, justice system coordination, life skill development, mentoring, student parenting, specialized staff, tutoring. The Dropout Prevention Resource Guide does not present school attendance as a central issue to be addressed in reducing dropouts, however, and MSDE does not appear to have a policy or operating focus on truancy and school attendance problems. The three Maryland programs that were evaluated are Baltimore Students: Mediating About Reducing Truancy (BSMART), Truancy Court Program (TCP) and Truancy Reduction Pilot Program (TRPP). BSMART is operated by the University of Maryland School of Law's Center for Dispute Resolution in conjunction with Baltimore City Public School System (BCPSS). TCP is operated by the University of Baltimore School of Law's Center for Families, Children and the Courts (CFCC) in conjunction with BCPSS. TRPP evaluated in these reports are operated in the Circuit Courts for Dorchester County, Somerset County, Wicomico County and Worcester County. These programs reflect the national literature concerning the intent and design of truancy interventions. They have a problem-solving orientation, involve both parents and students, and are progressive responses involving interagency collaboration. These programs also represent a continuum of court involvement, with no judicial presence in BSMART, Details: Baltimore: Maryland Administrative Office of the Courts, 2011. 111p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2017 at: http://www.igsr.umd.edu/applied_research/Pubs/Truancy%20Intervention%20Synthesis%20Report.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.igsr.umd.edu/applied_research/Pubs/Truancy%20Intervention%20Synthesis%20Report.pdf Shelf Number: 131205 Keywords: Delinquency PreventionPovertySchool AttendanceSchool DropoutsTruancy |
Author: Buonanno, Paolo Title: Inequality, Crime, and the Long-Run Legacy of Slavery Summary: Estimating the effect of inequality on crime is challenging due to reverse causality and omitted variable bias. This paper addresses these concerns by exploiting the fact that, as suggested by recent scholarly research, the legacy of slavery is largely manifested in persistent levels of economic inequality. Municipality-level economic inequality in Colombia is instrumented with a census-based measure of the proportion of slaves before the abolition of slavery in the nineteenth century. It is found that inequality increases both property crime and violent crime. The estimates are robust to including traditional determinants of crime (like population density, proportion of young males, average education level, quality of law enforcement institutions, and overall economic activity), as well as geographic characteristics that may be correlated with both the slave economy and with crime, and current ethnic differences. Policies aiming at reducing structural crime should focus on reducing economic inequality. Details: Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank, 2017. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: IDB WORKING PAPER SERIES No. IDB-WP-793: Accessed May 24, 2017 at: https://publications.iadb.org/bitstream/handle/11319/8248/Inequality-Crime-and-the-Long-Run-Legacy-of-Slavery.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://publications.iadb.org/bitstream/handle/11319/8248/Inequality-Crime-and-the-Long-Run-Legacy-of-Slavery.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 145757 Keywords: Crime RateHomicidesInequalityPovertySlavery |
Author: Martinez, Denis Roberto Title: Youth under the Gun: Violence, Fear, and Resistance in Urban Guatemala Summary: This study examines how violence affects youth in marginalized urban communities, focusing on the experiences of three groups of young people: gang members, activists, and the "jovenes encerrados", youth who live confined to their homes due to fear. Based on 14 months of ethnographic research in El Mezquital, an extensive marginalized urban area in Guatemala City, I explore the socio-economic conditions that trigger violence in these communities, the responses of young people and the community to violence, and the State's role in exacerbating violence in impoverished neighborhoods. In this dissertation I argue that gang members and activists are expressing a deep-seated social discontent against the exclusion, humiliation, and social stigmatization faced by young people in marginalized urban neighborhoods. However, the two groups express their discontent in significantly different ways. Initially, gangs used violence to express their discontent, but they gradually resorted to a perverse game of crime, in complicity with the police, and they distanced themselves from their own communities; in this work I analyze gangs' process of transformation and the circumstances that led to this change. Activists express their discontent through community art and public protest, but their demonstrations have limited social impact, since public attention continues to focus on gangs; here I examine activists' motivations, struggles, and obstacles. However, the vast majority of young people live in a state of fear, preferring to keep quiet and withdraw into their homes; here I show how violence, fear, and distrust affect the generation born into postwar Guatemala. This study illustrates the perverse role of the State in impoverished urban neighborhoods and its responsibility for the escalation of urban violence in Guatemala. On the one hand, the State shuns residents from these neighborhoods and systematically denies them basic services; it criminalizes and abuses young people, even forming social cleansing groups to eliminate gang members. On the other hand, the State fosters crime in these communities and acts as gangs' accomplice in extortions, drug trade, and robberies. As in many other Latin American countries, the Guatemalan State penalizes crime, but simultaneously encourages and benefits from it; the State is complicit in crime. Details: Austin, TX: University of Texas at Austin, 2014. 263p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed May 27, 2017 at: https://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/bitstream/handle/2152/28318/MARTINEZ-DISSERTATION-2014.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2014 Country: Guatemala URL: https://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/bitstream/handle/2152/28318/MARTINEZ-DISSERTATION-2014.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 145831 Keywords: Fear of CrimeGang-Related ViolenceGangsNeighborhoods and CrimePovertySocioeconomic conditions and CrimeUrban Areas and CrimeViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Musoi, Kyalo Title: A Study of Crime in Urban Slums in Kenya: The Case of Kibra, Bondeni, Manyatta and Mishomoroni Slums Summary: Crime continues to be a major scar on the peace and security landscape in Kenya. Whereas crime cuts across the country geographically, it is more prevalent, severe and acute in peri-urban informal settlement areas that are popularly known as slums. Security Research and Information Centre (SRIC), with support from the Government of Kenya (through the National Steering Committee on Peace Building and Conflict Management and the Kenya National Focal Point on Small Arms and Light Weapons) and UNDP Kenya has been conducting crime surveys - in its strategic role as a crime observatory - since 2011 in the greater Nairobi region and other select parts of the country. These crime surveys have consistently established that crime is a major peace and security concern in the major urban areas in the country particularly in the slums. It is against this backdrop that SRIC undertook a study on crime in four select slums in the four major cities in the country namely, Kibra (Nairobi), Mishomoroni (Mombasa), Manyatta (Kisumu) and Bondeni (Nakuru). For the purpose of this study, crime is understood to mean acts or prohibitions which are against the law (both written and unwritten for the case of societal norms). The main objective of the study was to contribute to better understanding of the nature, trends and dynamics of crimes in the four select major urban slums in Kenya and to formulate actionable policy recommendations. The study also sought to identify and analyse crime hot spots, criminal organized groups and impact of crime in the select slum areas. The findings of the study can thus be extrapolated to present a general crime status in the slum areas in the country as a whole. Various methods of data collection and analysis were used. Secondary data was mainly derived from previous studies and reports on crime and crime observatories including print media. Primary data was collected through questionnaires, interviews and observations. A total of 654 questionnaires were administered to members of the public in the study areas taking into consideration age and gender sensitivities. In addition, 48 key informant interviews were conducted. The researchers also spend considerable time during the study period in the study areas observing crime trends and patterns. The study used both quantitative and qualitative methods of data analysis. The quantitative data was organized, cleaned, coded and analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) to help generate summaries in terms of tables and graphs for easy analysis and interpretation. Qualitative data was analyzed qualitatively through interpretation of the responses by respondents and also analysis of secondary data on the subject matter. The study found that theft (35.37%), was the main type of crime across the four sampled slum areas. In addition, robbery (15.55%), burglary/break-ins (10.67%) and mugging (23.17%) were the other main typologies of crime in slum areas, accounting for combined 84.76% of crimes committed in slum areas in Kenya. The study also established that an overwhelming majority, 98.8% of the respondents, had witnessed crime being committed in the last three months of the study period. This can be inferred to mean that almost everyone in the four slums had either been affected (may be within the family) or personally experienced some form of crime. Asked to state causes of crime in slum areas in urban centres, 61.2% of the respondents cited youth unemployment as the main cause of crime. Poverty (11.3%) and illicit brews/drug abuse (9.5%) were cited as the other causes of crime in slum areas. Based on these statistics, it can be inferred that rampant poverty and depressed income levels seem to be the primary drivers of localized crimes in major urban slums in Kenya. Contrary to assertions by many researchers and reports that Kibra is the most unsafe area to live in, public perceptions on safety in this study demonstrate that comparatively, Bondeni slum in Nakuru town was the most unsafe place to live in (60.98%) followed by Mishomoroni in Mombasa (44.44%). Kibra was third with 40% and lastly Manyatta slum in Kisumu where only 36.9% of respondents felt the slum was unsafe to live in. Moreover, it was only in Manyatta slums that respondents felt very safe (7.14%), making it to be, in relative terms, the safest of the four slums. In terms of reporting crime to the authorities the study established that 53.21% of the respondents had reported crime to the police while 46.79% of the respondents did not report crime to the police at all. 42.2% of the respondents indicated that they had no confidence in administration of justice by the Police Service and that's why they would rather let the matter (crime) "die" than seek intervention from the police. 14.7% of the respondents indicated that they were afraid of the perpetrators, 18.7% indicated that sometimes they would not report any crime incident perpetrated or involving any member of the family/ friends, 9.2% indicated that some criminal cases were not serious enough to warrant the attention of the police, 7.3% posited that the police were not friendly and were thus afraid of approaching them while others indicated reporting was inconsequential since the police were incapable of recovering lost properties in cases of property related crimes. In addition and despite the efforts expended by the government, NGOs and the communities themselves to prevent and reduce crime in urban slum areas in the country, a majority of respondents (81%) felt that crime incidences remained high. Only 17% of the total respondents indicated that crime levels had reduced. The study also identified 21 organized criminal groups and or gangs operating in the slum areas. Kibra had 6, Mishomoroni in Mombasa 8, Bondeni of Nakuru 8 whereas Manyatta respondents in Kisumu identified 4 such groups. Extortions, levying of protection fees, muggings, heckling/disrupting political rallies and events, trafficking drugs and kidnappings are some of the common crimes committed by these identified criminal groups/gangs. It is also important to note that in Mishomoroni, Mombasa Republican Council (MRC) was not identified as a criminal organization or group. Maybe the respondents feared mentioning it or perceived it as a legitimate organization pursuing interests of the coastal people. In addition, the study identified 44 crime hotspots and times of the day the crime is likely to take place or committed. Kibra, had the highest number of hotspots at 17. This was followed by Mishomoroni (11), Manyatta (9) and Bondeni (7) in that order. It is interesting to note that based on public perceptions, Bondeni - with only 7 identified crime hotspots - was found to be the most unsafe slum amongst the four sampled slum areas. To ameliorate the dire crime situation in slum areas in the country, the study makes key policy recommendations to the National Police Service, National Government, County Governments and the members of the public. To the Police Service, the police reforms should be hastened so that corruption is reduced and accountability enhanced. In addition, the police should intensify patrols within the settlements, strengthen witness/informers protection services/ unit and equip the police officers with the necessary tools to enable them perform their work effectively. The National Government should address youth unemployment by increasing the uptake of grants such as Uwezo Fund and also ensure proper mechanisms are put in place, including subsidizing the prices of basic commodities, in order to lower the cost of living. On the other hand, the County Governments should improve infrastructure in slum areas such as erecting lighting masts and improving access roads. The public has a role to play in making slum areas safer places to live in. They should step up collaboration with police officers in detecting and reporting crime as well as avoid buying or trading in stolen properties. Buying stolen goods encourages the criminals to continue stealing. Details: Nairobi: Security Research & Information Centre, 2014. 72p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 5, 2017 at: http://www.srickenya.org/images/publications/slum%20Crime%20Survey%20Report.%20Thur.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Kenya URL: http://www.srickenya.org/images/publications/slum%20Crime%20Survey%20Report.%20Thur.pdf Shelf Number: 145909 Keywords: Crime StatisticsPovertySlumsSocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeStolen GoodsTheftUrban Areas and Crime |
Author: Tanko, Laszlo Title: The Democratic Imperative Explaining the choice of crime fighting approaches in highly affected states Summary: Violence and crime has been the plight of man since the dawn of times, and continues to be a major obstacle on the road to development but also a significant indicator of grave anomalies within societies. In modern times, fueled by technological advances, crime continues to exert a major toll on societies in every corner of the world; however, it is those countries that are already under considerable economic, political, and social pressure that exhibit the highest levels of violence. In the reportedly successful effort to bring about a lasting reduction of crime, these countries have largely employed criminal justice methods and elements, such as increased policing and incarceration. Many scholars and actors argued for crime reduction using a more comprehensive approach brought about under the concept of human security (HS), since over-reliance on the measures of the criminal justice system (CJS) were seen as overly punitive and damaging. There were quite a few governmental developmental initiatives aimed at reducing crime; these were, however, abandoned for speedy, tougher responses. The aim of this research was to analyze crime fighting strategies and measures in the case studies, and see why a more punitive approach was overly favored to the expense of a more integrated response. Regarding the lack of sufficient background knowledge, there has been considerable difficulties in fusing this largely criminological problem with the field of development. However, the paper thus aimed to contribute to extend the interdisciplinary reach of developmental studies. The research used the rate of homicide per 100,000 people as the indicator to measure crime. In order to bring about the aforementioned goal, the paper at-hand focused on the most violent states, and analyzed those countries which have reached a significant drop in homicide since 1995: El Salvador, Colombia, and South Africa. The empirical analysis consisted in the contrasting of the breadth of CJS policies on the one hand and HS programs on the other. Three main indicators were used for each of the approaches: conviction rates, figures of incarceration, and the size of the police force for the former, and rehabilitation programs, youth projects, and the reach of community policing for the latter. Due to linguistic and geographical constraints, only secondary sources, both qualitative and quantitative were employed. Details: Copenhagen:Aalborg University, 2015. 77p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed June 7, 2017 at: http://projekter.aau.dk/projekter/files/212925886/Laszlo_Tanko_The_Democratic_Imperative_Explaining_the_choice_of_crime_fighting_approaches_in_highly_affected_states.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://projekter.aau.dk/projekter/files/212925886/Laszlo_Tanko_The_Democratic_Imperative_Explaining_the_choice_of_crime_fighting_approaches_in_highly_affected_states.pdf Shelf Number: 145953 Keywords: Homicides Murders PovertySocioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violent Crime |
Author: Camacho, Adriana Title: The Externalities of Conditional Cash Transfer Programs on Crime: The of Case Familias en Accion in Bogota Summary: In this paper we examine the indirect effects of the income transfers made under Colombias most important Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) program on crime in the urban area of the city of Bogota. More precisely, our paper evaluates the "income effect" of these transfers by exploiting the location of beneficiary households together with the exact date when the transfers are made. In order to do this, the following two sources of information were used: the Sistema de Informacion de Beneficiarios de Familias en Accion (SIFA) and the National Police crime reports. Our results indicate that, through the so-called income effect, the program is responsible for reducing different measures of property crime in the days following the transfers. Specifically, we find that transfers made by the program reduce thefts and vehicle theft by 7.2 percent and 1.3 percent, respectively, during the days following the transfers made by Familias en Accion. Details: Washington, DC: The World Bank, 2013. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 20, 2017 at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTLACOFFICEOFCE/Resources/870892-1265238560114/ACamacho_Oct_2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Colombia URL: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTLACOFFICEOFCE/Resources/870892-1265238560114/ACamacho_Oct_2013.pdf Shelf Number: 146298 Keywords: Conditional Cash TransfersCrime PreventionFinancial AssistancePovertyThefts |
Author: Turley, Ruth Title: Slum upgrading strategies and their effects on health and socio-economic outcomes: a systematic review Summary: Low and middle income countries (LMIC) are home to over 90% of the one billion people living in slums. Urban slums describe parts of cities where living conditions are exceptionally poor. The slums lack basic services and often have many people crowded into small living spaces. Slums can provide shelter and proximity to jobs, and communities are often social and supportive. However, poor living conditions and health are closely related, and illnesses such as diarrhoea, malaria, cholera and respiratory diseases are common. Slum upgrading basically involves improving the physical environment, for example the water supply, sanitation, waste collection, electricity, drainage, road paving and street lighting. Additional strategies may be included to improve access to health, education and social services, increase residents' income and secure legal rights to the land. We found five main studies with suitable methods for examining the effect of slum upgrading on health, quality of life and social wellbeing (for example poverty). Nine supporting studies were also included, which used methods that could indicate associations between interventions and outcomes but could not assess whether interventions caused the effect. Only one main study had a low risk of bias, with the rest having a mixed or high risk of bias. The majority of supporting studies had a high risk of bias, meaning their methods had several limitations that made the study results unreliable. In addition, the studies measured different interventions and outcomes, making it difficult to compare results. Overall, there was limited but consistent evidence to suggest that slum upgrading may reduce diarrhoea in slum dwellers and their water-related expenses. There were mixed results for whether slum upgrading reduced parasitic infections, general measures of communicable diseases, financial poverty and unemployment outcomes. There was very little information on other health or social outcomes, or which types of interventions were most beneficial. Some of the studies asked slum dwellers for their views and their experiences of slum upgrading interventions. They suggested a number of reasons why facilities were not used as intended and which may have reduced the benefits. Future research, with improved study designs and common outcome measures, is needed to determine how best to improve the conditions of existing slums and to offer the most benefit to the health, quality of life and social wellbeing of slum dwellers. Details: London: International Initiative for Impact Evaluation (3ie), 2013. 184p. Source: Internet Resource: 3ie Systematic Review 13. Accessed June 29, 2017 at: http://www.3ieimpact.org/media/filer_public/2016/07/12/sr13-slum-upgrading-strategies-review.pdf Year: 2013 Country: International URL: http://www.3ieimpact.org/media/filer_public/2016/07/12/sr13-slum-upgrading-strategies-review.pdf Shelf Number: 146468 Keywords: PovertySlumsSocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeUrban Areas and Crime |
Author: Eide, Stephen D. Title: Poverty and Progress in New York III: Crime and Welfare Enrollment One Year Into the de Blasio Administration Summary: Mayor Bill de Blasio assumed office in January 2014, promising to "take dead aim at the Tale of Two Cities - [and] put an end to economic and social inequalities that threaten to unravel the city we love." With respect to public safety, this promise translated into a determination to continue the low crime rates of recent years through a modified version of the Giuliani and Bloomberg approaches to policing. On welfare, de Blasio made a sharper break from the past. The overarching goals remain greater economic mobility and less government dependence. But these goals are to be achieved through a less "punitive" approach toward enforcing eligibility requirements and "more effective" employment programs that emphasize education and training over work experience. This paper is the third installment in a series that has been tracking the effect of de Blasio's policies at the neighborhood level. Focusing on the effect of initiatives on policing and public assistance, it examines how conditions in the poorest neighborhoods in the five boroughs have changed during 2014, the first year of the de Blasio administration. The paper also investigates citywide trends in arrests, data regarding potential racial bias in the police department, and rates of dependence on social assistance programs. Key Findings Welfare - New York City ended 2014 with more people on welfare than it began. Midyear, the Human Resources Administration (HRA) announced major changes to the city's public assistance program; by the end of 2014, enrollment had grown by about 16,000 since the HRA announcement. - This increase has come during a time of relative prosperity for the local economy, which added more than 90,000 jobs in 2014. Significant growth came in low-wage industries likely to hire welfare recipients. Throughout New York City's history, the general tendency has been for welfare enrollment to decline as job numbers grow. - Enrollment in the Supplemental Nutritional Assistance Program (SNAP) proved more responsive to improved economic conditions, steadily declining throughout 2014. - The number of public assistance recipients remains very low, by historical standards. Policing - The year 2014 saw annual declines in six out of seven major crime categories. Murders reached historical lows. - There are exceptions to the general good news on crime: 28 precincts saw at least one more murder in 2014 than in 2013; and total crime was up in 14 precincts. The lowest-income neighborhoods in the five boroughs remain far more dangerous than their high-income counterparts. - In the ten lowest-income neighborhoods in the five boroughs, eight saw two or three more murders in 2014 than in 2013. Two experienced more total crime in 2014 than in 2013. - Misdemeanor arrests, though higher than they were ten years ago, are currently on a downward trend. This includes arrests for many, though not all, "Broken Windows," or quality-of-life, offenses such as drug possession. - Civilian Complaint Review Board complaints and allegations of unnecessary or excessive use of force by police are trending down. The year 2014 saw fewer complaints against the NYPD than all but three of the last 16 years. - Use of force in making misdemeanor arrests is extremely rare (2.2 percent) and trending down. - With respect to allegations of racial bias, a comparison between victim-initiated and police-initiated misdemeanor arrests shows that police do not arrest minorities at a higher rate when acting on their own judgment than when responding to specific victim complaints. - Crime is overwhelmingly more of a problem for poor minority neighborhoods, where the greatest demand for policing, measured by 911 calls, is found. Details: New York: Manhattan Institute, 2015. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Civic Report no. 94: https://www.manhattan-institute.org/sites/default/files/cr_94.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.manhattan-institute.org/sites/default/files/cr_94.pdf Shelf Number: 146471 Keywords: Neighborhoods and CrimePovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeUrban Areas and CrimeWelfare |
Author: Ferroni, Matteo Francesco Title: Which are the Causes of Criminality in Brazil? Summary: The objective of this study is to better understand the determinants of criminality rate in Brazil, more specifically the determinants of homicides. I based myself on Becker's model of criminal rational behavior. After selecting some economical and sociological variables, I run a cross sectional regression using the data of 2010 from 608 Brazilian municipalities. My main result suggests that inequality has an impact on the homicide rate while poverty does not. Furthermore, there is evidence proving that urbanization and unemployment are positively related to the homicides, whereas education is negatively related. On the other hand the age composition of the population is positively related only until a certain level. Details: Unpublished paper, 2014. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 4, 2017 at: http://www.economicsocietybocconi.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/ferroni1.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.economicsocietybocconi.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/ferroni1.pdf Shelf Number: 146728 Keywords: Crime RatesEconomics of CrimeInequality and CrimePovertySocioeconomic Conditions and Crime |
Author: Zaluar, Alba Title: Youth, drug traffic and hyper-masculinity in Rio de Janeiro Summary: I began my ethnographic studies of violence in the city of Rio de Janeiro almost by chance when I went to Cidade de Deus, a low-income housing estate project built in the 1960s for those forcibly evicted from the shantytowns. My intention in 1980 was to study voluntary associations, which were typical of the long existing shantytowns, to see what had changed for the dwellers reinstalled in the new housing project. One major change I found was a new kind of organization of which there had been no record in the literature on poverty prior to 1980: drug dealing gangs engaged in incipient turf wars. Since then, I have not been able to stop studying the subject and willy-nilly became an "expert" on it. I undertook two major ethnographic research projects in Cidade de Deus; one by myself and the second with four research assistants, three of them male and one female. All were university students who had grown up and continued to live in Cidade de Deus. The first study focused on the meanings of poverty, neighbourhood associations and local politics; the second focused on youth involved with the gangs or were about to join them. Later in the 1990s, with a different team, we investigated styles of drug dealing and consumption in three other districts of the city. Three years ago, a series of interviews and focus groups with former dealers allowed us to deepen our knowledge of the dynamics of the unlawful trade as well as the ideas and mixed feelings of the main actors. All these studies were based on participant observation and interviewing techniques. Details: Vibrant (Florianopolis), v. 7: 7-27, 2010. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 7, 2017 at: http://www.vibrant.org.br/downloads/v7n2_zaluar.p Year: 2010 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.vibrant.org.br/downloads/v7n2_zaluar.p Shelf Number: 147599 Keywords: Drug TraffickingMasculinityPovertySlumsYouth Gangs |
Author: Gentilini, Ugo Title: Entering the City: Emerging Evidence and Practices with Safety Nets in Urban Areas Summary: Most safety net programs in low and middle-income countries have hitherto been conceived for rural areas. Yet as the global urban population increases and poverty urbanizes, it becomes of utmost importance to understand how to make safety nets work in urban settings. This paper discusses the process of urbanization, the peculiar features of urban poverty, and emerging experiences with urban safety net programs in dozens of countries. It does so by reviewing multidisciplinary literature, examining household survey data, and presenting a compilation of case studies from a 'first generation' of programs. The paper finds that urban areas pose fundamentally different sets of opportunities and challenges for social protection, and that safety net programs are at the very beginning of a process of urban adaptation. The mixed-performance and preliminary nature of the experiences suggest to put a premium on learning and evidence-generation. This might include revisiting some key design choices and better connecting safety nets to spatial, economic and social services agendas compelling to urban areas. Details: Washington, DC: World Bank Group, 2015. 190p. Source: Internet Resource: Social Protection & Labor Discussion Paper no. 1504: Accessed October 7, 2017 at: http://pubdocs.worldbank.org/en/5841448382581833/Entering-the-City-Emerging-Evidence-and-Practices-with-Safety-Nets-in-Urban-Areas.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://pubdocs.worldbank.org/en/5841448382581833/Entering-the-City-Emerging-Evidence-and-Practices-with-Safety-Nets-in-Urban-Areas.pdf Shelf Number: 147607 Keywords: PovertyPublic SafetySlumsUrban Areas and Crime |
Author: Papalia, Paul Title: Locking in Poverty How Western Australia drives the poor, women and Aboriginal people to prison Summary: The current policy for managing Western Australians who cannot pay fines has cost taxpayers millions of dollars, strained the prison system and has disproportionately affected the poor, especially women and Aboriginal people. In Western Australia, fine defaulters may enter prison to clear a fine, if they have been unsuccessful in paying off the fine via a payment plan or completing a Community Service Order. The management of Community Service Orders was changed in early 2009, resulting in high rates of imprisonment of fine defaulters. The State Government assumes that the prospect of going to prison will deter people from breaking the law and incurring fines in the first place. If so, the number of fine defaulters entering the prison system should have diminished. Instead, this policy is driving an extra 1100 people to prison a year, with significant economic and social costs. This policy is not working. It is economically unsound, ineffective in enforcing fines payments and profoundly unfair. - Every year since 2010, more than 1,100 fine defaulters have entered prison in Western Australia solely for the purpose of clearing fines. - Fine defaulters in prison 'cut out' $250 of fines a day, yet it costs $345 per day to keep them in prison. - The costs of imprisoning fine defaulters have blown out by 220 per cent since 2008. - Last year, one in every three women who entered the prison system did so solely for the purposes of clearing fines. - The number of Aboriginal women jailed for fine default has soared by 576 per cent since 2008. - Between 2008 and 2013, the number of Aboriginal people incarcerated solely for fine default has increased from 101 to 590, a growth of more than 480 per cent. - Between 2008-9 and 2012-13, the Department of Corrective Services budget has blown out by an average of 8.6 per cent a year. If this trend continues, this year's budget of $870.25 million could blow out to $945.1 million. Details: Secret Harbor, WA: WA Labor, 2014. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: WA Labor Discussion Paper: Accessed November 14, 2017 at: https://www.markmcgowan.com.au/files/Locking_in_Poverty.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Australia URL: https://www.markmcgowan.com.au/files/Locking_in_Poverty.pdf Shelf Number: 148163 Keywords: Aboriginal PersonsCriminal DebtCriminal FinesFine DefaultersFinesIndigenous PeoplesPoverty |
Author: Oosterhoff, Pauline Title: Tackling Gun Violence in India Summary: This rapid response briefing covers topics such as emerging trends of growing gun-related violence in urban India, lessons from Latin America and the Caribbean, the relationship between gun violence and poverty and implications for policies and programmes dealing with gun-related crime in Indian cities. The briefing argues that gun-related violence has far-reaching adverse impacts on all levels of society. In addition to murder and injury, gun violence can exacerbate cycles of highly localised urban poverty, inequality and vulnerability. India has the second largest number of homicides in the world but the issue is little discussed. In contrast to well-known gun violence in the Americas and Africa, and is absent from public security and development agendas. With criminal violence generating at least ten times more deaths and injuries in India than terrorism and conflict, there is an urgent need to re-orient policies towards preventative frameworks and to focus efforts on rapidly growing mid-size cities suffering from under-resourced police forces and rising youth unemployment. Details: Brighton, UK: Institute of Development Studies, 2015. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Rapid Response Briefing Issue 11: Accessed February 6, 2018 at: https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/7117/RRB11.pdf;jsessionid=50B8788AB50E10C136D8D592E10672B7?sequence=1 Year: 2015 Country: India URL: https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/7117/RRB11.pdf;jsessionid=50B8788AB50E10C136D8D592E10672B7?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 148992 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesPoverty |
Author: Proudfoot, Jesse Title: The Anxious Enjoyment of Poverty: Drug Addiction, Panhandling, and the Spaces of Psychoanalysis Summary: This dissertation draws on fieldwork with drug-using panhandlers and interviews with social service providers to examine drug addiction and panhandling as social issues significant to poor and gentrifying neighbourhoods. I provide ethnographic accounts of both of these phenomena, beginning with drug users' experiences of Vancouver's current harm reduction drug policy initiatives, such as the Insite supervised injection site and methadone treatment programmes. In the second half of the dissertation, I provide a similar account of panhandling in the rapidly gentrifying Gastown area of the Downtown Eastside. The dissertation draws on this empirical research to offer a social-theoretical framework for understanding panhandling and drug addiction as social issues with the capacity to provoke visceral, emotional reactions on the part of those who encounter them and those who are charged with regulating them. Characterizing this reaction as one of anxiety, I trace a series of anxieties which permeate discourses on panhandling and drug addiction, from concerns with the pleasures of drug users to anxieties over what poor people do with their money. The dissertation seeks to resolve paradoxes within both of these social phenomena: How can we account for the anger, discomfort, and disgust that are provoked in people by issues that affect them so little? How can we explain people's implacability to drug policy that is so empirically sound? And how can we understand people's anxieties with panhandling encounters when the amounts of money concerned are so insignificant? Drawing a distinction between the manifest and latent content of these anxieties, I use psychoanalysis to argue that they cannot be understood without recourse to the unconscious. I argue that the discourses and public policy that concern drug use and panhandling are subtended by unconscious anxieties about the jouissance and the lack in the Other. Only when we consider the unconscious dimensions of these social phenomena can we understand the visceral, emotional reactions that panhandling and drug addiction regularly provoke. Details: Burnaby, BC: Simon Fraser University, 2011. 383p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed February 9, 2018 at: http://summit.sfu.ca/item/11256 Year: 2011 Country: Canada URL: http://summit.sfu.ca/item/11256 Shelf Number: 149081 Keywords: Begging Drug Addiction Panhandling Poverty |
Author: Horn, Michael Title: A Question Of Begging: A study of the extent and nature of begging in the City of Melbourne Summary: Anyone who has visited US cities, such as Washington or Los Angeles, would be shocked at the level of begging evident in the city streets. At the start of the 21st century, it is a striking paradox to see such high levels of poverty within a country often considered an exemplar of the success of post-industrial capitalist economies. Over recent years, the contrast between affluence and poverty on the streets of Melbourne's CBD has become a matter of public concern and comment. Hanover has operated an Outreach Service within Melbourne's inner suburbs for over 15 years. Throughout this period Hanover's experience has been that the extent of begging in the CBD has been low, and the majority of those who beg do so on an intermittent and spontaneous basis to pay for their immediate needs. However this is not the understanding that has generally been portrayed in the media over recent years, with reports focusing on begging in the CBD as a cause of concern to both traders and the public. The reports in the media have relied upon anecdotal evidence. The following report details the action research project that investigated the issue of begging within Melbourne's central business district (CBD). The research study was carried out over the period of September 2000 to February 2001. Data was collected by way of a collaboration between the Melbourne City Council (MCC), the Victoria Police Force (VPF), and Outreach staff from Hanover Welfare Services. In addition to detailing the research background, project methodology, and findings, this report presents the relevant state legislation and regulatory control relating to begging. Also contained within the report is a description of the past and current initiatives undertaken by the MCC and the VPF to address the issue of begging in the CBD. Details: Melbourne: Hanover Welfare Services,, 2001. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 9, 2018 at: http://www.hanover.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/A-Question-of-Begging-June-2001.pdf Year: 2001 Country: Australia URL: http://www.hanover.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/A-Question-of-Begging-June-2001.pdf Shelf Number: 149084 Keywords: Begging Panhandling Poverty |
Author: Hunt, Heather Title: Court Fines and Fees: Criminalizing Poverty in North Carolina Summary: In trial courts across North Carolina, poor criminal defendants are regularly and systematically billed for an array of fines and fees they can't afford. Fees are imposed at almost every step in the criminal justice process, starting before conviction and extending for months or years after sentencing. As we detail in our report, Court Fines and Fees: Criminalizing Poverty in North Carolina, defendants unable to pay these accumulating court costs risk triggering a cascade of draconian penalties: additional fees, revoked driver's licenses and jail time, often for offenses too minor to warrant incarceration in the first place. The result can be surreal and cruel. Defendants unable to pay their fees are sanctioned in ways that make it even harder for them to escape their criminal justice debt. For them, fines and fees constitute an ongoing poverty trap. One Orange County defendant who had previously been jailed for failure to pay court fees explained how she lives in fear of being incarcerated again. If that happens, her husband may have to quit his job to take care of their kids. Then, she frets, they will likely lose their home. "The whole thing leaves my family feeling hopeless," she said, "like we'll never get back on our feet." It feels like a cycle. "We'll never be able to pay and will always be burdened with these costs." It is "almost like a set-up, they know I won't be able to pay." This report is the first in a series of six to be issued by the North Carolina Poverty Research Fund exploring the criminal justice practices that work to criminalize poverty in our state. Through legal analysis, defendants' stories, court observations, and interviews with advocates, public defenders and judges, we show how criminal court fines and fees work in North Carolina to burden poor defendants, and their families and communities. We examine how fees raise troubling questions of constitutionality, cast doubt on the fairness of our courts and infringe on judicial independence. We scrutinize claims about the necessity and cost efficiency of fines and fees and look at the factors that drove their rise in the state. We conclude with simple, straightforward recommendations that can be easily adopted by the courts. Details: Chapel Hill: North Carolina Poverty Research Fund, 2017. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 16, 2018 at: http://www.ncpolicywatch.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/Court-Fines-and-Fees-Criminalizing-Poverty-in-NC.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://www.ncpolicywatch.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/Court-Fines-and-Fees-Criminalizing-Poverty-in-NC.pdf Shelf Number: 149171 Keywords: Criminal CourtsCriminal DefendantsFines and FeesPoverty |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "Set up to Fail": The Impact of Offender-Funded Private Probation on the Poor Summary: Many US states allow private companies to supervise probation for minor offenses. People on probation pay fees to the private companies for supervision, and bear the costs of drug testing, document checks, community service, and other court-mandated conditions, which the same private probation companies often provide. "Set up to Fail" documents the impact of privatized probation systems in four US states: Florida, Kentucky, Missouri, and Tennessee, and finds that people living in poverty often face the greatest consequences of the private probation system, as they have to forego basic necessities, including food, transportation, and rent, to pay their fees and fines. When individuals are unable to pay, they face potential arrest, extended probation periods, and incarceration. Based on over 150 interviews, the report also documents numerous cases of human rights abuses associated with the private probation system and calls for greater government oversight and regulation of the industry. Authorities in Florida, Kentucky, Missouri, Tennessee, and other states where probationers face excruciating costs should reduce the burden of private probation fees and court costs on the poor, ensuring that they do not face further criminalization as a result of their inability to meet costs related to their probation. Details: New York: HRW, 2018. 148p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 20, 2018 at: https://www.hrw.org/report/2018/02/20/set-fail/impact-offender-funded-private-probation-poor Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.hrw.org/report/2018/02/20/set-fail/impact-offender-funded-private-probation-poor Shelf Number: 149175 Keywords: Offender Supervision PovertyPrivate Probation Privatization Probation |
Author: Chetty, Raj Title: Race and Economic Opportunity in the United States: An Intergenerational Perspective Summary: We study the sources of racial and ethnic disparities in income using de-identified longitudinal data covering nearly the entire U.S. population from 1989-2015. We document three sets of results. First, the intergenerational persistence of disparities varies substantially across racial groups. For example, Hispanic Americans are moving up significantly in the income distribution across generations because they have relatively high rates of intergenerational income mobility. In contrast, black Americans have substantially lower rates of upward mobility and higher rates of downward mobility than whites, leading to large income disparities that persist across generations. Conditional on parent income, the black-white income gap is driven entirely by large differences in wages and employment rates between black and white men; there are no such differences between black and white women. Second, differences in family characteristics such as parental marital status, education, and wealth explain very little of the black-white income gap conditional on parent income. Differences in ability also do not explain the patterns of intergenerational mobility we document. Third, the black-white gap persists even among boys who grow up in the same neighborhood. Controlling for parental income, black boys have lower incomes in adulthood than white boys in 99% of Census tracts. Both black and white boys have better outcomes in low-poverty areas, but black-white gaps are larger on average for boys who grow up in such neighborhoods. The few areas in which black-white gaps are relatively small tend to be low-poverty neighborhoods with low levels of racial bias among whites and high rates of father presence among blacks. Black males who move to such neighborhoods earlier in childhood earn more and are less likely to be incarcerated. However, fewer than 5% of black children grow up in such environments. These findings suggest that reducing the black-white income gap will require efforts whose impacts cross neighborhood and class lines and increase upward mobility specifically for black men. Details: Unpublished paper, 2018. 106p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 26, 2018 at: https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/hendren/files/race_paper.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/hendren/files/race_paper.pdf Shelf Number: 149569 Keywords: Economics and Crime PovertyRace and Crime Racial Disparities Socioeconomic Analysis Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime |
Author: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Title: Crime and Development in Africa Summary: Our knowledge on the state of crime in Africa is limited. Given the many development challenges facing the continent, it is not surprising that little attention has been given to crime. But Africa's development challenges are precisely the social factors found to be associated with high crime situations internationally. For example: - Income inequality is one of the most robust quantitative correlates of official crime rates, and Africa hosts some of the most unequal countries in the world: on average, the richest 10% earn 31 times more than the poorest 10%. - Throughout the world, teenaged and young adult males commit most of the crime, and Africa's youthful population (43% under the age of 15) means that a greater part of the society falls into this pool of potential offenders. Many of these young people are not enrolled in educational programmes and cannot find employment. - Rapid rates of urbanisation, a factor that combines elements of population density, cultural clash, and population instability, is also a strong correlate of crime rates. Africa is urbanising at about 4% a year, about twice the global average. - Poor countries have poorly-resourced criminal justice systems, and Africa suffers from the world's least favourable police- and judge-to-population ratios. This ultimately impacts on conviction rates; even if the police perform optimally, offenders in Africa are much less likely to be punished for their wrongdoings than those in the rest of the world. Such a system cannot effectively deter, incapacitate, or rehabilitate criminals. - The proliferation of firearms, related in part to the recurrence of conflict in all regions of the continent and in part to a growing sense of public insecurity, enables and aggravates violent crime. While none of these factors alone causes crime, their presence together does make it more probable that crime will occur, all other things being equal. This does not mean that the continent is doomed to criminality. Rather, it means that crime needs to be anticipated and that development planning should proceed with these dynamics in mind. Details: Vienna: UNODC, 2005. 160p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 12, 2018 at: http://www.unodc.org/pdf/African_report.pdf Year: 2005 Country: Africa URL: http://www.unodc.org/pdf/African_report.pdf Shelf Number: 149797 Keywords: Developing CountriesGun-Related ViolencePovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Gamblin, Marlysa D. Title: Mass Incarceration: A Major Cause of Hunger Summary: Mass incarceration has far-reaching effects in the United States. It poses a significant barrier to ending U.S. hunger and poverty by 2030-a goal the United States adopted in 2015. But the connection is not always obvious. This paper explains how mass incarceration increases hunger. In a study by the National Institutes of Health, 91 percent of returning citizens reported being food insecure. Many face difficulty securing a place to work and live after being released. In addition, 75 percent of returning citizens report that it is "extremely difficult" or "impossible" to find a job post-incarceration. Even once formerly incarcerated people manage to find jobs, they suffer a permanent reduction in their lifetime earning potential, by nearly $180,000. This explains why 1 in 4 households headed by a returning citizen lives in deep poverty. In addition, incarceration frequently leads to hardships for their families. According to one study, almost 70 percent of households reported having difficulty meeting basic needs, such as food and housing, when a family member was incarcerated. Details: Washington, DC: Bread for the World, 2018. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 4, 2018 at: http://www.bread.org/sites/default/files/downloads/briefing-paper-mass-incarceration-february-2018.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://www.bread.org/sites/default/files/downloads/briefing-paper-mass-incarceration-february-2018.pdf Shelf Number: 150063 Keywords: HungerMass IncarcerationPoverty |
Author: Chavez Villegas, Cirenia Title: Youth and Organised Crime in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico: An exploration of contributing factors Summary: This research explores why young men participate in organised crime in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico. From an ecological perspective, decisions are the result of a combination of factors at the macro, micro, and individual levels. The research explores factors at each of these levels, particularly the role of unfulfilled aspirations, the family and community environments, as well as different dimensions of poverty. In doing so, it uses an original survey covering a sample of 180 delinquent young men aged 12 to 29, who were in prison for organised criminal activity, and a sample of 180 non-delinquents with the same age, social background, and geographical origin in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico. Twenty in-depth interviews were also carried out with a subsample of delinquents. To my knowledge, this is the first study to use a quasi-experimental approach to understand why young men in Mexico participate in organised crime that considers their aspirations and measures multidimensional poverty amongst a population that is commonly excluded from census data. The thesis draws on several theoretical frameworks from the fields of criminology and sociology, including anomie and attachment theories. The findings lend support to the importance of aspirations at the individual level. Opportunity constraints predict criminal participation and delinquents tend to place greater value on material items than their nondelinquent counterparts, which calls for the co-creation and management of aspirations of former delinquents and at-risk youth with the aid of counsellors. In the family environment, being raised in a single parent household was a significant predictor of participation in organised crime. As these households are often headed by women, greater support for working mothers is pressing, as work in the assembly plants in Juarez (the prime source of employment) is not accompanied with childcare. More involved fathers who constitute positive role models are necessary to mitigate the risks of criminal participation. In the community environment, regularly spending time in a gang significantly predicted organised crime participation. Although gangs constitute a gateway, they do not unequivocally lead to organised crime. This calls for an adequate assessment of gangs, a phenomenon that is still poorly understood in Mexico. At the macro level, the findings reveal that those who are more income deprived have a lower probability of having participated in crime, suggesting that participation reduces income poverty marginally. However, a higher proportion of delinquent participants are vulnerable due to deprivation in several social indicators and most delinquent participants are still multidimensionally poor, despite their participation in organised crime. This indicates that participating in crime does not constitute an effective or sustained pathway out of poverty, a message that should be communicated to at-risk youth. A more robust poverty and inequality reduction program accompanied by fiscal reform and higher minimum wages are also among the key policy recommendations. Details: Cambridge, UK: Queens' College, University of Cambridge, 2018. 266p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed May 10, 2018 at: https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/bitstream/handle/1810/273773/Chavez-2018-PhD.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2018 Country: Mexico URL: https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/bitstream/handle/1810/273773/Chavez-2018-PhD.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 150144 Keywords: Juvenile DelinquentsOrganized CrimePovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolent CrimeYouth GangsYouthful Offenders |
Author: Daniels, Flozell, Jr. Title: From Bondage to Bail Bonds: Putting a Price on Freedom in New Orleans Summary: Bail in Louisiana was once a system that enforced a constitutional right to be free after arrest and before a determination of guilt or innocence. Over time, it has been transformed into a money bail system in which that freedom is conditioned on the ability to pay money up front. What was originally designed as a right to pretrial freedom has become a means of control and extracting money from people who are arrested, and jailing those who cannot pay. The money bail system takes $6.4 million from New Orleans families each year, with over $1 million going to the court, $227,000 to each of three other agencies (the sheriff, district attorney, and public defender offices), and $4.7 million to commercial bail bond companies.1 For those whose families cannot afford to pay the price of pretrial freedom, the non-financial costs are even greater. Many poor and low income people stay in jail until their cases are resolved, regardless of the seriousness of the charges or the likely outcome of the case. In fact, most arrests and detention do not lead to a conviction with a sentence of incarceration; most plead guilty and are sentenced to probation or to the time they've already served before conviction. As a result, the only incarceration most people end up serving is the pretrial detention they suffer because of the requirement that they pay to gain their freedom, despite being legally innocent. Once their cases are resolved, most are released. The length of this money-based detention can be devastating. Those who cannot afford to pay bail stay in jail nearly four months while facing a felony charge and nearly one month for a municipal or state misdemeanor charge until their case is resolved. Even those who were able to pay bail were jailed an average of 11 days for a felony and three days for a misdemeanor before being freed. More than 500 people were in jail on any given day in 2015 for no other reason than that they could not afford to pay cash or purchase a bail bond. There are also enormous costs to the city's taxpayers, who pay more than $6 million each year to subsidize the cost of unnecessarily jailing these 500 people. People who are arrested in New Orleans are often poor-85 percent are too poor to hire a lawyer. They are also disproportionately black; black people are arrested at two and a half times the rate of white people. Fully 84 percent of the $6.3 million paid in money bail is paid by black people. Worse yet, black people are less likely to be able to pay the price set for their freedom; average income for black households is $25,324 while for white households it is $67,884.9 Consequently, most of the people in the jail-87 percent-are black. The money bail system intrinsically harms those least able to afford it, whether by extracting scarce dollars or jailing those with insufficient dollars to pay. Black people, whether subject to implicit biases or by virtue of being economically disadvantaged, suffer the greatest harm. New Orleans has led all U.S. cities in jailing its people. Why does a majorityblack city pursue policies and practices that lead to the jailing of black people at starkly higher rates than people of other races? Why does this city-300 years old, half of that post-emancipation-continue to exact the heavy human toll of conditioning freedom on the ability to pay the price set? One place to look for answers is in the historical practices of exploitation of people of color, driven or sanctioned by the state, that trade on the fiction of black dangerousness and criminality to extract revenue and exert control. This essay examines the extent to which money bail in New Orleans is a descendant of slavery and subsequent practices of racial exploitation. It describes bail and related practices across the city's 300-year history, identifying echoes in the present-day regime of money bail. It then explains the processes and costs of modern money bail. Finally, it presents some ways in which the city has been moving to a less harmful criminal legal system and offers models from jurisdictions that have rejected money-based detention as inconsistent with the core principle of innocent until proven guilty. Details: New Orleans: The Data Center, 2018. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2018 at: https://s3.amazonaws.com/gnocdc/reports/Daniels_bondage_to_bail_bonds.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://s3.amazonaws.com/gnocdc/reports/Daniels_bondage_to_bail_bonds.pdf Shelf Number: 150194 Keywords: Bail BondsPovertyPretrial JusticePretrial ReleaseRacial Disparities |
Author: Heeks, Matthew Title: The economic and social costs of crime Summary: The economic and social costs of crime estimates are important in helping to develop an understanding of the wider costs and benefits associated with changes in the number of crimes. Although methods have been developed to try to capture an assessment of the societal harms of different crime types, for example the Crime Harm Index, these do not set out to estimate the monetary costs of different offences. This report uses existing crime and cost data to update previous analysis by the Home Office to estimate the economic and social costs of different offences. It does not estimate the economic and social costs of every type of crime; it concentrates on more serious victim-based offences which are likely to have the largest economic and social costs. Costs have been estimated for crimes against individuals and, for a limited number of sectors, businesses. Those crimes which are not committed against an individual victim - so-called crimes against society - are excluded from the analysis; for example, possession of drugs. The report considers three main cost areas: - Costs in anticipation of crime, for example the cost of burglar alarms. - Costs as a consequence of crime, for example the cost of property stolen or damaged. - Costs in response to crime, for example costs to the police and criminal justice system. The total costs of crime in England and Wales in the 2015/16 are estimated to be approximately L50bn for crimes against individuals and L9bn for crimes against businesses. Violent crimes make up the largest proportion of the total costs of individual crime - almost three quarters - but only one third of the number of crimes. This is mainly due to the higher physical and emotional costs to the victims of violent offences. These costs are particularly high for crimes that are more likely to result in emotional injuries, such as rape and violence with injury. The offence with the highest estimated unit cost2 is homicide (L3.2m). Rape (L39,360) has the highest estimated unit cost of non-fatal offences. Thefts from businesses make up almost 90% of business crime but account for approximately half of the total estimated costs of crime against businesses (L4.2bn), as each crime has a low impact on society. In contrast, robberies and burglaries against businesses - estimated to cost L2bn and L1.6bn respectively - make up over 40% of the costs of crime, but account for only 5% of all crimes against businesses. Details: London: Home Office, 2018. 81p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report 99: Accessed August 1, 2018 at: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/727958/the-economic-and-social-costs-of-crime-horr99.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/727958/the-economic-and-social-costs-of-crime-horr99.pdf Shelf Number: 150989 Keywords: Costs of CrimeCrime RatesCrime StatisticsPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: John Howard Association of Illinois Title: Punishment That Doesn't Fit the Crime: Stories of People Living on the Margins Summary: This report examines stories of marginalized individuals in relation to criminal justice systems over the course of their lives-in being stopped, searched, arrested, fined, jailed or incarcerated for low level offenses. These stories unmask the cumulative impact that criminal justice involvement, coupled with economic and racial inequalities, has on the life trajectories, happiness, and quality of life of marginalized individuals, their families and communities. Through these stories, the static and ineffective roles of many system actors became clear. Our jails and prisons have become the sole response to a myriad of system failures, including miscarriages in mental health treatment, racial and economic inequality, education, child and family welfare support, community infrastructure, housing and employment opportunities. A complex web of interrelated social failures and ills cannot be effectively cured by simply increasing the reach of police, sanctions, criminal courts, jails, and prisons over the lives of American citizens. As inequalities in the justice system are invisible, cumulative, inter-generational, and deeply concentrated in a small fraction of the population, the experiences of this population are traditionally left out of public discourse on criminal justice. In order to foster more democratic communities by continually challenging dominant narratives, we present these lived experiences as a way to rethink our common histories and public policy in light of each other's stories. Details: Chicago: John Howard Association of Illinois, 2018. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 13, 2018 at: http://www.thejha.org/sites/default/files/JHA%20Report%20Punishment%20That%20Doesn%27t%20Fit%20the%20Crime%20Stories%20of%20People%20Living%20on%20the%20Margins%20Part%201.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://www.thejha.org/sites/default/files/JHA%20Report%20Punishment%20That%20Doesn%27t%20Fit%20the%20Crime%20Stories%20of%20People%20Living%20on%20the%20Margins%20Part%201.pdf Shelf Number: 151114 Keywords: Disadvantaged PersonsHomeless PersonsHomelessnessPovertyRacial DisparitiesVagrants |
Author: Dean, Jennifer Lynne Title: Resources Matter: The Role of Social Capital and Collective Efficacy in Mediating Gun Violence Summary: This study explains how community activists make use of available social capital and collective efficacy while attempting to mediate gun violence. It specifically focuses on twelve in-depth interviews of activists' perspectives, processes and rationales to alleviate community gun violence, based on informal social control models. Findings suggest activists must establish trust and respect with youth they work with before mediation begins, which is established through similar life experiences or backgrounds. Once a strong bond is established with youth, activists identified five core processes to reduce violence: 1) improve the mindset, 2) provide life skills, 3) assist youth as their liaison between networks, 4) expose and provide tools to other opportunities such as college or jobs, and 5) activists challenge system policy that they feel contributes to Chicago's gun violence. Details: Tampa: University of South Florida, 2014. 128p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed September 20, 2018 at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5006/ Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5006/ Shelf Number: 150602 Keywords: Collective Efficacy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence PovertySocial Capital Violence Prevention |
Author: Alabama Appleseed Title: Under Pressure: How fines and fees hurt people, undermine public safety, and drive Alabama's racial wealth divide Summary: We surveyed 980 Alabamians from 41 counties about their experience with court debt, including 879 people who owed money themselves and 101 people who were paying debt for others. Of the people who owed money themselves, we found: More than eight in ten gave up necessities like rent, food, medical bills, car payments, and child support, in order to pay down their court debt. Almost four in ten admitted to having committed at least one crime to pay of their court debt. One in five people whose only previous offenses were traffic violations admitted to committing more serious offenses, including felonies, to pay off their traffic tickets. The most common offense committed to pay off court debt was selling drugs, followed by stealing and sex work. Survey respondents also admitted to passing bad checks, gambling, robbery, selling food stamps, and selling stolen items. 44% used payday or title loans to cover court debt. Almost two-thirds received money or food assistance from a faith-based charity or church that they would not have had to request if they weren't paying court debt. Almost seven in ten were at some point declared indigent by a court, and by almost every measure, indigent survey-takers were treated more harshly than their non-indigent peers. They were more likely to have been turned down for or kicked out of diversion programs for financial reasons, more likely to have their debt increased, be threatened with jail, or actually be jailed for non-payment of court debt. Almost half of the people who took our survey did not think they would ever be able to pay what they owe. The 101 people who took our survey who were paying debt for other people (usually family members) were more likely to be middle-aged African-American women than to belong to any other demographic group. While others their age were saving money for retirement, helping their children with college or other expenses, paying down mortgages, or taking vacations, these African-American women were disproportionately burdened with paying court debt for their families. Details: Birmingham: Alabama Appleseed, 2018. 66p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 13, 2018 at: http://www.alabamaappleseed.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/AA1240-FinesandFees-10-10-FINAL.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://www.alabamaappleseed.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/AA1240-FinesandFees-10-10-FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 152919 Keywords: Court DebtCriminal DebtCriminal Fines and FeesPovertyRacial Disparities |
Author: Rabuy, Bernadette Title: Prisons of Poverty: Uncovering the Pre-Incarceration Incomes of the Imprisoned Summary: Correctional experts of all political persuasions have long understood that releasing incarcerated people to the streets without job training, an education, or money is the perfect formula for recidivism and re-incarceration. While the fact that people released from prison have difficulties finding employment is well-documented, there is much less information on the role that poverty and opportunity play in who ends up behind bars in the first place. Using an underutilized data set from the Bureau of Justice Statistics, this report provides hard numbers on the low incomes of incarcerated men and women from before they were locked up. Details: Northampton, MA: Prison Policy Initiative, 2015. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 16, 2019 at: https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/income.html Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://csgjusticecenter.org/corrections/publications/uncovering-the-pre-incarceration-incomes-of-individuals-in-the-justice-system/ Shelf Number: 154223 Keywords: IncarcerationInmatesPovertyPrisonersPrisonsRecidivismSocioeconomic Status and Crime |
Author: Health Poverty Action Title: Punishing poverty - How the failed 'war on drugs' harms vulnerable communities: Case studies of Brazil and India Summary: Around the world the so called 'war on drugs' is collapsing. Many countries are replacing the prohibition of illicit drugs, with new approaches which prioritise and protect people's health and wellbeing. Whilst reform is underway, it is not happening nearly fast enough or reaching far enough. The prohibitionist criminal justice approach that has dominated drug policy for the past 50 years continues to destroy livelihoods and claim lives. The people most affected aren't those in charge of the drugs trade. Instead, it's those caught up at the lowest levels in a trade that is destroying their lives and communities, particularly in the global south. Prohibition has failed to reduce the world's supply of illicit drugs. Meanwhile the heavy handed and often militarised law enforcement approach that often goes with it - directed primarily at those involved at the lowest level in the production and supply of illicit drugs - has fueled poverty, inequality, corruption and violence. This is felt most sharply by marginalised communities and women who engage in the small-scale trade out of necessity or lack of alternatives. In these contexts of significant vulnerability, powerlessness and poverty, the drugs trade can offer a decent income or means of survival, where no other exists. Details: London: HPC, 2019. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 5, 2019 at: http://fileserver.idpc.net/library/Punishing-poverty-research-report-WEB.pdf Year: 2019 Country: International URL: http://fileserver.idpc.net/library/Punishing-poverty-research-report-WEB.pdf Shelf Number: 154489 Keywords: BrazilDrug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug Policy ReformIllicit DrugsIndiaPovertyWar on Drugs |
Author: Gamboa-Eastman, Tara Title: The Problem with Probation: A Study of The Economic and Racial Impact of Probation Fees in California Summary: The Problem: Little Known About How Probation Fees are Implemented California's "tough on crime" doctrine of the last forty years left the state with two problems: a criminal justice system that imprisoned more people than any other state and no way to pay for the profound costs of mass incarceration. The state attempted to solve this problem by charging defendants for their so-called "use" of the system. Today, defendants are charged dozens of fees as they move through the criminal justice system-including probation fees. California allows the state's 58 county probation departments to charge people for the cost of probation. However, without statewide standards, guidelines, or oversight, there is little information about how counties are implementing these fees. While researchers, advocates, and legislators, alike, often raise the detrimental effect of criminal justice fees on a population primarily made up of low-income people of color, little specific attention has been paid to the harmful practice of probation fees. With more than 60 percent of the state's criminal justice impacted population on probation, California cannot ignore the injustice of probation fees. Nor can the practice be reformed without knowledge of how counties are implementing fees on-the-ground. Findings: Fees are Failing People on Probation and County Governments -- To illustrate how probation fees work in counties across California, Public Records Act (PRA) requests were sent to all 58 county probation departments. Eighty percent of counties responded, representing nearly 95 percent of California's total population. Responses show that most counties do not track collection rates, suggesting that the fees are of little consequence to county budgets. Those that did track collection rates reveal low collection rates and high costs of collection, fees contribute little Even if these fees brought in revenue, they are not worth the profound costs to people on probation. Responses highlight tremendous variation in implementation across the state, but even where individual fees are small, debt adds up quickly. The average debt burden for just the three most common fees is more than $3,600, alone. While probation departments are required to consider people's ability to pay these fees and adjust them accordingly, this rarely happens. The result is steep debt with steeper consequences. Details: Los Angeles: Western Center on Law & Poverty , 2018. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 20, 2019 at: https://wclp.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TheProblemWithProbation_GamboaEastman_ForWCLP_Final.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://wclp.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TheProblemWithProbation_GamboaEastman_ForWCLP_Final.pdf Shelf Number: 155055 Keywords: Alternatives to IncarcerationFines and FeesPovertyProbation Fees |
Author: Fahmy, Eldin Title: Evidence and policy review: Domestic violence and poverty Summary: In 2013/14, over 1.1 million women and 500,000 men in England and Wales experienced partner abuse in the last year. However, despite international recognition of the connections between women's poverty and increased vulnerability to domestic abuse, the connections between poverty and domestic violence and abuse (DVA) and the policies actions needed to tackle these problems remain poorly understood in a UK context. This report summarises existing evidence on the connections between poverty and DVA and considers the potential anti-poverty implications of DVA and related policy responses. In doing so, we hope to raise awareness of the ways in which anti-poverty policies can also promote the prevention of violence against women. More specifically, the review was prepared to inform the development of the Joseph Rowntree Foundation's Anti-Poverty Strategy. Whilst gender inequality is both a cause and consequence of women's vulnerability to poverty, robust evidence on the connections between poverty and DVA is limited. Addressing this knowledge gap is vital in ensuring both that anti-poverty initiatives are sensitive to their impacts for women's vulnerability to DVA, and that actions to tackle DVA acknowledge the socioeconomic context within which abuse occurs. Details: York, UK: Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 2016. 42 p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 22, 2019 at: https://research-information.bristol.ac.uk/files/128551400/JRF_DV_POVERTY_REPORT_FINAL_COPY_.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://research-information.bristol.ac.uk/files/128551400/JRF_DV_POVERTY_REPORT_FINAL_COPY_.pdf Shelf Number: 155103 Keywords: Domestic ViolenceFamily ViolenceIntimate Partner ViolencePovertySocioeconomic StatusViolence Against Women |
Author: Braden, Myesha Title: Too Poor To Pay: How Arkansas's Offender-Funded Justice System Drives Poverty and Mass Incarceration Summary: The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights has observed that people of color, the poor, and people with disabilities - who suffer poverty at twice the rate of persons without disabilities - are disproportionately impacted by inability to pay court-imposed costs, fines and fees associated with misdemeanors and low-level offenses. In Arkansas, thousands have been jailed, often repeatedly, for weeks or even months at a time, simply because they are poor and cannot afford to pay court costs, fines and fees. They face numerous collateral consequences in addition to loss of freedom, including loss of employment, homelessness, and some have lost custody of their children when they were unable to pay fines and fees established by the state legislature to offset the growing costs of maintaining Arkansas' massive criminal justice system. Details: Washington, DC: Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, 2019. 33p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 28, 2019 at: https://indd.adobe.com/view/f3b39ab5-1da5-409e-97a6-a0b060d2f578 Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://indd.adobe.com/view/f3b39ab5-1da5-409e-97a6-a0b060d2f578 Shelf Number: 155217 Keywords: Court CostsDebtors PrisonFines and FeesPoverty |
Author: American Civil Liberties Union of North Carolina Title: At All Costs: The Consequences of Rising Court Fines and Fees in North Carolina Summary: The United States formally abolished "'debtors' prisons" - the incarceration of people who fail to pay off debts - nearly two centuries ago. But today in North Carolina, thousands of low-income people are in jail, trapped in a cycle of debt, or both, because they cannot afford the unconstitutional fines and fees that courts order them to pay when convicted of any crime, even as minor as a speeding ticket. The cost and number of fines and fees have skyrocketed across North Carolina in recent years, thanks to a series of legislative changes enacted by the North Carolina General Assembly and the day-to-day decisions of judges who have too often bent to the legislative desire to turn the judiciary to debt collection. In courtrooms across the state, there is no consistent standard for when and how fines and fees are imposed, and too many judges do not fulfill their constitutional obligation to inquire about an individual's financial status before ordering them to pay fines and fees, as required by law. As a result, judges routinely order low-income North Carolinians - a disproportionate number of them people of color - to pay fines and fees that they cannot afford. Failure to pay will result in more fines, fueling a cycle of debt that forces people to forgo the basic necessities of life in order to avoid jail and collateral consequences. In this racially-skewed, two-tiered system, the rich and the poor can commit the exact same offense, but the poor will receive harsher and longer punishments simply because they are poor. While some actors, from public defenders to state legislators to reform-minded judges, have fought for fairer processes and outcomes, too many North Carolina judges nevertheless routinely violate the rights of low-income people who appear in their courtrooms. This report examines the history of those court costs, how North Carolina has sought to turn the judiciary from its role as a neutral arbiter of justice toward service as a state debt collector, and how the resulting unjust system criminalizes poverty, violates people's rights, and preys on many of our state's most vulnerable residents. Details: Raleigh: Author, 2019. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 18, 2019 at: https://www.acluofnorthcarolina.org/sites/default/files/field_documents/aclu_nc_2019_fines_and_fees_report_17_singles_final.pdf Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://www.acluofnorthcarolina.org/sites/default/files/field_documents/aclu_nc_2019_fines_and_fees_report_17_singles_final.pdf Shelf Number: 155456 Keywords: Court CostsDebtors PrisonFines and FeesPovertyRacial Disparities |
Author: Garrett, Brandon L. Title: Driver's License Suspension in North Carolina Summary: In this Article, we analyze data concerning driver's license suspension for traffic offenses. The interest of a person in a driver's license is "substantial," and the suspension of a license by the state can result in "inconvenience and economic hardship suffered," as the U.S. Supreme Court has observed, including because a license may "essential in the pursuit of a livelihood." However, in this analysis of North Carolina data, we found that there are 1,225,000 active driver's licenses suspensions in North Carolina for non-driving related reasons, relating to failure to pay traffic fines and court courts, and failure to appear in court for traffic offenses. These suspensions constitute about 15% of all adult drivers in the state. Of those, 827,000 are for failure to appear in court, 263,000 for failure to comply with orders to pay traffic costs, fines, and fees, and 135,000 for both. These suspensions are disproportionately imposed on minority residents. Of those with driver's license suspensions, 33% of those with failure to appear suspensions are black and 24% Latinx, while 35% were white. The demographics for all North Carolina residents who are of driving age include: 65% white, 21% black, and 8% Latinx. Still more severe consequences, DWLR charges, also disproportionately fall on minority residents. We also conducted a series of mixed-model linear regressions on North Carolina driver's license suspensions from 2010-2017, analyzing the effects of race, poverty, population size, traffic court cases and traffic stops on suspensions per county. Overall, population accounts for most of the variation in suspensions: the more people in the county, the more people have suspended licenses. When we control for population, we see little evidence that traffic stops or traffic cases are driving suspensions. We find that the relationship between the number of people in poverty and the number of suspensions in a county is dependent on race. Put another way, increasing a county's population by one white individual below poverty increases the number of suspensions by a greater amount than increasing the county's population by one white above poverty. However, increasing the population by one black individual below poverty increases the number of suspensions by less than increasing the county population by one black individual above poverty. This suggests that poverty functions differently for whites than it does for blacks. We conclude by setting out questions for future research, and describing both law and policy responses to driver's license suspensions in other jurisdictions, including: constitutional challenges, restoration efforts, dismissals of charges, and legislative efforts to restore licenses and end the suspension of driver's licenses for non-driving related traffic offenses. Details: Durham, NC: Duke University School of Law, 2019. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 18, 2019 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3355599 Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3355599 Shelf Number: 155459 Keywords: Court AppearanceDrivers License SuspensionsFines and FeesPovertyRacial DisparitiesTraffic OffensesTraffic Violations |
Author: Choi, John J. Title: Prosecutors and Frequent Utilizers: How Can Prosecutors Better Address the Needs of People Who Frequently Interact with the Criminal Justice and Other Social Systems? Summary: Criminal justice involvement is often the culmination of unmet needs, according to an increasing body of research, testimony, and other evidence. For many individuals who are arrested and charged, a combination of challenges - including mental illness, substance use, poverty, and trauma - can lead to frequent stays in the local jail, emergency room, and homeless shelter. But very few of these stays lead to adequate care or address long-term needs. Rather, social systems - criminal justice, health, and housing, for example - traditionally exist in silos and operate on an "event-by-event basis," with little coordination between them about how to address the overlapping populations they serve. For those who cycle between these systems, often referred to as "frequent utilizers," these stays offer few off-ramps from the criminal justice system or long-term resources. For jurisdictions, this results in an ineffective use of public funds and an inadequate response to the needs of frequent utilizers and their communities. While practitioners, policymakers, academics, and people directly impacted have described this cycle for years, innovations in data and technology offer new avenues to better understand and address the needs of those who frequently interact with the criminal justice and other social systems. Through collaboration between criminal justice stakeholders, service providers, community organizations, and researchers, jurisdictions across the country are harnessing the power of data to develop new strategies to combat this cycle, invest in long-term solutions, and better meet the needs of frequent utilizers and their communities Details: New York: Institute for innovation in Prosecution at John Jay College, 2019. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2019 at: https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c4fbee5697a9849dae88a23/t/5c6dd3271905f41e5f8636a3/1550701352414/IIP+ES+Prosecutors+and+Frequent+Utilizers.pdf Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c4fbee5697a9849dae88a23/t/5c6dd3271905f41e5f8636a3/1550701352414/IIP+ES+Prosecutors+and+Frequent+Utilizers.pdf Shelf Number: 155880 Keywords: Mentally Ill PersonsPovertyProsecutorsRepeat OffendersSocial Service ProvidersSubstance Abuse |
Author: Colgan, Beth Title: Wealth-Based Penal Disenfranchisement Summary: This Article offers the first comprehensive examination of the way in which the inability to pay economic sanctions-fines, fees, surcharges, and restitutionmay prevent people of limited means from voting. The Supreme Court has upheld the constitutionality of penal disenfranchisement upon conviction, and all but two states revoke the right to vote for at least some offenses. The remaining jurisdictions allow for re-enfranchisement for most or all offenses under certain conditions. One often overlooked condition is payment of economic sanctions regardless of whether the would-be voter has the ability to pay before an election registration deadline. The scope of wealth-based penal disenfranchisement is grossly underestimated, with commentators typically stating that nine states sanction such practices. Through an in-depth examination of a tangle of statutes, administrative rules, and policies related to elections, clemency, parole, and probation, as well as responses from public disclosure requests and discussions with elections and corrections officials and other relevant actors, this Article reveals that wealth-based penal disenfranchisement is authorized in forty-eight states and the District of Columbia. After describing the mechanisms for wealth-based penal disenfranchisement, this Article offers a doctrinal intervention for dismantling them. There has been limited, and to date unsuccessful, litigation challenging these practices as violative of the Fourteenth Amendment's equal protection and due process clauses. Because voting eligibility is stripped of its fundamental nature for those convicted of a crime, wealth-based penal disenfranchisement has been subject to the lowest level of scrutiny, rational basis review, leading lower courts to uphold the practice. This Article posits that these courts have approached the validity of wealth-based penal disenfranchisement through the wrong frame - the right to vote - when the proper frame is through the lens of punishment. This Article examines a line of cases in which the Court restricted governmental action that would result in disparate treatment between rich and poor in criminal justice practices, juxtaposing the cases against the Court's treatment of wealth-based discrimination in the Fourteenth Amendment doctrine and the constitutional relevance of indigency in the criminal justice system broadly. Doing so supports the conclusion that the Court has departed from the traditional tiers of scrutiny. The resulting test operates as a flat prohibition against the use of the government's prosecutorial power in ways that effectively punish one's financial circumstances unless no other alternative response could satisfy the government's interest in punishing the disenfranchising offense. Because such alternatives are available, wealth-based penal disenfranchisement would violate the Fourteenth Amendment under this approach. Details: Los Angeles: University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) - School of Law, 2019. 75p. Source: Internet Resource: UCLA School of Law, Public Law Research Paper No. 19-10: 72 Vand. L. Rev. 55 (2019): Accessed July 2, 2019 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3312439 Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3312439 Shelf Number: 156823 Keywords: DisenfranchisementDue ProcessEconomic SanctionsEqual ProtectionFines and FeesFourteenth AmendmentPovertySentencingVoting Rights |